Skip to main content

Full text of "The history of Haverhill, Massachusetts, from its first settlement, in 1640, to the year 1860"

See other formats


Gifts & Ex 


Harvard Co 









Special Collections & Rare Books 







▼ T ji*m« A *• 


. . . ILLUSTI 





._y^ ^r 

Gifts & Ex 
Harvard Co 







last Spring we were visited by 
badly damaged. 

and Summer the whole Stock 
nd ends being disposed of at 

id no business for four weeks, 
was thoroughly re=modelled. 

is acknowledged by all visitors 
most convenient Clothing Store 

n New England. 

9old out entirely of all kinds of 
ch might be the case, early in 
oston markets were thoroughly 
n Clothing and Furnishings. 

big advantages in variety of 
:ially Low Prices. 

s ^ith an entirely new Stock of 
Lo\y Prifees inaugurated by 



Men's Fu 

^\'e sell all the C'lOod Kinds ( 
'J'ies, Etc. Our Prices for the ri 
ahnost every item. We have spa 

Re\ersible Linene 
(xood Linen Collar 
IJest ^Voven Che^ i 
Best Outing Flann 
Best Black and W 

T ¥ 

Men's U 

Nearly c\ cry thing you couk; 
Fleece-Lined, Merinos and Wool 
stout i\Ien.__^xite an example or 






is i 


n I 



tl ( 


Ill 1 1 ffll f 





||{|iy| lljii 

"' Hi' 

'III ; '^!' i'' 





TO THE -S-E-A-I?, I860, 


Member of the New England Historic Genealogical Society; Cor. Mem. of the 'Wisconsin Historical 
Society ; Author of a Digest of Masonic Law, &c. 

Home of my fathers ! * * * * 
O never may a son of thine, ^ 
Where'er his wandering steps incline, — 
Forget the sky that bent above 
His boyhood, like a dream of love. 

— Whittier. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by 


in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 



21 Central St., Lowell, Mass. 


The earnest and frequent demand for a new History of HaverhUt, 
induced the compiler of the following pages to enter upon the task of its 
preparation, and in February, (12th) 1859, public notice to that eifect 
was given through the columns of the local press. The original design was 
to include the history of the town from its first settlement, in 16-40, to 
January, 1860, in one octavo volume, of about five hundred pages; but 
twelve months of almost constant application to the work, revealed such 
a mass of valuable and interesting material, that a proposition was made 
to the town, at its annual March meeting, in 1860 — 

" To see if the town will make an appropriation toward the publication 
of a History of the town, and if so, how much, as requested by Geo. W. 

The proposition met with a most hearty approval, as may be seen from 
the following extract from the town records : — 

" It was unanimously voted. That the sum of five hundred dollars be 
appropriated and paid to Geo. W. Chase toward a publication of a History 
of this town, said money to be paid at times and in sums at the discretion of 
the selectmen ; — -provided, that not more than one hundred dollars shall 
be paid until five hundred pages of the proposed History is printed ; and 
'provided also, that the price of the book, in good substantial binding, 
ehall not exceed two dollars per copy." 

Encouraged by this generous aid, given, as it was, with entire unanimity, 
the work was pushed forward with all possible despatch ; and, early in the 
following December, the first pages went to press. Various causes have 

rendered the work of printing mucli more protracted than was expected, 
or could have been foreseen, but it is believed that the value of the book 
has been increased rather than diminished, througb the corrections and 
numerous additions permitted by the delay. 

In the preparation of this History of his native town, the compiler has 
endeavored to collect his material from the most reliable sources, and, in 
nearly every case where practicable, has recorded the facts in the exact 
language in which they were found, or were received. It has been his 
endeavor that each and every "quotation" introduced may be safely 
relied upon as literally correct, believing that thereby not only will the 
reader's interest in no wise be diminished, but the historical value of 
the work will be greatly increased. 

In many instances, particularly during the earlier years of our history, 
minor incidents and matters are mentioned. This has been done cither to 
illustrate the manners, customs, &c., of the early inhabitants, or for the 
purpose of introducing the names of persons in town, rather than for any 
interest or value in the incidents themselves. The frequent introduction 
of lists of names, has, in many instances, been intended as an aid to those 
particularly interested in genealogy, rather than as items of interest to the 
general reader. 

In a work like the present, where so much dependence is of necessity 
placed upon traditions, — often vague and indistinct, or confused and 
conflicting, — and abounliing in names, dates, and figures, it is hardly 
possible to avoid errors. It is hoped and believed, however, that the 
following pages will compare favorably in this respect with other similar 
works; — more or less than this could not well be expected. 

As it was impossible to include within the limits of a single volume all 
that might be classed as local history, or of local interest ; and as the 
general history of the town, for the last half a century, is already 
comparatively well preserved by the local newspapers, as well as by living 
memories ; less space has been devoted to the latter period than might, 
perhaps, be considered as its just proportion. A desire to preserve the 
traditions and incidents fast receding from our sight in the dim twilight 

^f the past, must plead our excuse, if excuse be necessary, for this seeming 
partiality for matters relating to "ye olden time." 

In the preparation of this work, a large amount of valuable and 
interesting material has been gathered, which could not well be used. 
This will be carefully preserved, and every opportunity to add to the 
stock will be as carefully improved. Its ultimate disposal cannot now be 
indicated with any degree of certainty. 

To name the many who have directly or indirectly aided the compiler 
in his labors, would greatly exceed the space allowed for the present 
purpose. To one and all of them, we would return our hearty 
acknowledgments. We cannot, however, forbear to mention, specially, — 
Hon. James H. Duncan, for his active exertions in securing the above 
mentioned appropriation by the town in our favor, and for his many other 
acts of kindness and liberality; George Johnson, Esq., of Bradford, for 
his generous donation of fifty dollars for the same purpose ; Benjamin 
Bradley, Esq., of Boston, for his proposal to bind one hundred copies of 
the book, gratuitously ; A. W. Thayer, Esq., of Northampton, John 
Bartlett, Esq., of Eoxbury, and Eev. G-. W. Kelley, of this town, for 
special favors ; and Mr. Alfred Poor, of this town, (who has for several 
years devoted his whole time and attention to genealogy) for much 
valuable assistance. 

AYith the hope that the book, — to the preparation of which so many 
pleasant hours have been devoted, — will be kindly received, this History 
of Haverhill is now submitted to the public. 

Mount Washington, Haverhill, ") r W r 

September 1, 186 L j 


View op Havekhill in 1820 Frontispiece* 

Map of Haverhill 16 

Fac-Simile of Indian Deed 46 

Eesidence of Charles Corliss CO 

First Meeting-House 67 

First Plan of the Town lO-t 

Map of Haverhill and Adjacent Towns 105 

Second Meeting-House 177 

Plan of Massachusetts Claim vs. N. H. 287 

<« " New Hampshire Claim vs. Mass. 292 

" " Haverhill and Londonderry 290 

Floating Islands. , 462 

Portrait of Eev, Henry Plummer 606 

Hon. Bailey Bartlett 618 

" Israel Bartlett 620 

" Samuel Blodgett 621 

" James H. Duncan 628 

Capt. Nehemiah Emerson 630 

Dr. Kufus Longley 636 

David Marsh, Esq., 638 

Hon. Leonard White 650 



Early Voyages — Discovery op Massachusetts 17 

History of Puritanism — The Pilgrims 23 

Settlements in Massachusetts, from 1620 to 1640 27 

Aboriginal Inhabitants 30 

• Settlement of Haverhill, 1640 35 

From 1643 to 1649 55 

From 1650 to 1659 70 

From 1660 to 1669 91 

From 1670 TO 1675 113 

Indian Troubles— 1675 to 1678 123 

From 1675 to 1688 130 

Indian Troubles — 1688 to 1695 148 

From 1695 to 1700 179 

Indian Troubles — 1700 to 1710 204 


From 1710 to 1722 234 

Indian Trottbles — 1713 to 1725 260 

From 1720 to 1 728 265 

The Boundary Difficulties of 1720 to 1759 286 

From 1729 to 1741 302 

From 1742 to 1765 320 

The French War — 1756 to 1763 340 

The Eevolution — 1765 to 1783 362 

From 1765 to 1790 , 426 

From 1790 to 1800 450 

From 1800 to 1815 471 

From 1815 to 1840 490 

From 1840 to 1860 513 

Manufacture of Shoes and Hats — Improvements 532 

Ecclesiastical History 547 

Biography and Genealogy 615 

Miscellaneous 652 


The town of HaverhiU, Essex County, Massachusetts, is situated on the 
northerly side of the Merrimack, — the fourth in size, hut perhaps the most 
beautiful river in New England, — about eighteen miles from its mouth. 
The principal village is twenty-nine miles from Boston, twenty-two from 
Salem, fourteen from Newburyport, eighteen from Lowell, nine from 
Lawrence, and thirty from Portsmouth, N. H. The town is bounded on 
the north by Salem, Atkinson, and Plaistow, N. H, ; on the east by Ames- 
bury ; on the south by the Merrimack river ; and on the west by Methuen. 
The northern line of the town is also the boundary line between the States 
of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. The township, as originally pur- 
chased of the Indians, was fourteen miles in length, — six miles from the 
Little Eiver eastward, and eight miles from the same river westward, — 
and six^miles in breadth. As first laid out by the General Court, in 1667, 
it was nearly in the form of a triangle, extending upon the Merrimack 
about fifteen miles from Holt's Eocks westward, the northerly line running 
about the same distance due north-west from the above point, and the 
westerly line running due north and south. As thus laid out, the town 
included a large portion of the territory now forming the townships of 
Salem, Atkinson, Hampstead, and Plaistow, N. H., and Methuen, Mass. 
Since the running of the State line, in 1741, the bounds of the town have 
been the same as at present. 

The township is now about nine miles in length, and three miles in 
breadth, and contains fifteen thousand two hundred acres, divided nearly 
as follows : acres of land annually tilled, excluding orchards tilled, one 
thousand and eighty-six ; acres of orcharding of all kinds of fruits, three 
hundred and fifty-one; acres of upland mowing, excluding orcharding 
mowed, three thousand two hundred and twenty-six ; acres of orcharding 
mowed, two hundred and eighty-nine ; acres of fresh meadow, five hundred 
and thirteen ; acres of pasture-land, excluding orcharding pastured, six 
thousand one hundred and forty-seven ; acres of meadow, exclusive of 
pasture land inclosed, two thousand three hundred and forty-nine ; acres 

of unimproved land, forty -three ; acres of land unimprovaBle, thirteen ; 
acres of land used for roads, five hundred and twenty-eight ; acres of land 
covered with water, one thousand oue hundred and seven. 

The soil is, generally, a rich friable loam, easily cultivated, and highly 
productive. But few towns can show so small a numher of acres of unim- 
provable land, or of land of decidedly inferior c[uality. Many of the 
farms are under a high state of cultivation, and will compare favorably 
with those of any other town in the Commonwealth. In an agricultural 
point of view, but few, if any, towns in the State, surpass this, either in 
regard to its capacity, or the developement of its resources. 

Besides the Merrimack, which is included in the town,-and which forms 
the entire southern bound of the town, there are three smaller streams, 
viz : Little Eiver, East Meadow Kiver, and Creek Brook. Little River, 
so called to distinguish it from the " Great Eiver," has its principal source 
in Plaistow, N. H., enters Haverhill a little east of the Atkinson line, and 
flows nearly south, to the Merrimack, emptying into the latter at the 
principal village, and one-fourth of a mile west of the Haverhill bridge. 
This stream has several tributaries, the principal one of which is known 
as Fishing Kiver, taking its rise from the north-western extremity of 
Kenoza Lake, and flowing at first northerly into Plaistow, then gradually 
bending to the south-west, and entering the Little Eiver about one and a 
half miles from its mouth. There are several mills upon Little river, the ' 
largest of which is the flannel mill, long known as " Hale's Factory," and 
located on Winter street, about one-fourth of a mile from the mouth of the 
river. Upon the opposite side of the stream at this place, there was, for 
nearly two hundred years, a saw-mill, and the stream was most commonly 
known as " Sawmill Eiver." The last mill of the kind was taken down 
about twenty years since. About midway between this point and the 
Merrimack, and near the small island, there was for man}- years a grist- 
mill, which also ceased operations about twenty years since. There is 
also a grist-mill on the stream, near the State line, which has been known 
these many years as " Clark's mill." A mill has been constantly located 
at this place for at least one hundred and fifty years. 

Fishing River, — so named on account of the large quantities of ale- 
wives taken from it in former times, — is now used principally to conduct 
the surplus water of Kenoza Lake to the flannel factory, in the dry season. 
This privilege was granted to Mr. Ezekiel Hale, jr., in 1835, who there- 
upon erected a flume at the outlet of the Lake, and deepened the bed of 
the stream, so that about six feet of water can now be easily drawn, as 
occasion may require. There was formerly, and for many years, a corn 

mill upon this stream, situated about half a mile from its mouth. The 
first mill of the kind at that place, was erected by William Starlin, who 
subsequently sold it to Thomas Duston, from whom it descended to his 
son, Timothy Duston. 

£ast Meadow Elver takes its rise in Newton, N. H., enters Haverhill 
abovit three-fourths of a mile east of Brandy Brow Hill, and flows nearly 
due south, to the Merrimack, emptying into the latter at "Cottle's Creek," 
— one mile below the Chain Ferry. There has long been a saw-mill and 
a grist-mill upon this stream, near the Amesbury line, known as " Peas- 
lee's Mills." The first mill at this place was erected by Joseph Peasly, in 
1693, since which time the privilege has been almgfet, or quite, constantly 
in the possession of his descendants. There was formerly a saw-mill, grist- 
mill, and fulling-mill, about half a mile from the mouth of the stream. 
These were built by Anthony Chase (great-grandfather of the writer), — 
the first in 1757, and the others a few years later, — and continued in 
operation for many years. There is also a grist-mill about one-fourth of a 
mile from the Merrimack, — known as "Johnson's mill," — which was 
first built by Thomas Johnson, about 1790, or later. There was formerly 
a fulling-mill about one mile above the mills of Anthony Chase, which 
was erected by his son, John Chase, who carried on the business for many 

Greek Brooh, which runs from Creek Pond nearly due south to the 
Merrimack, carries two mills. The first, which is located at the outlet of 
the pond, was long operated as a grist-mill, but has recently been trans- 
formed into a hat factory. The other, — known these many years as 
*' Bradley's Mill," — is a grist mill, and is located about fifty rods from 
the Merrimack. 

There are four ponds in the town, three of them situated within a mile 
of the principal village, and within half a mile of each other. 

Plug Pond, — formerly called " Ayer's Pond," from the fact that several 
persons of that name settled near its western end, and owned a large part 
of the adjoining land, — is the smallest of the four, and is situated about 
half a mile from the Merrimack, in a north-easterly direction from the 
village. It covers an area of about seventy acres. At its northern, south- 
ern, and western extremities, particularly the latter, the bottom is mostly 
covered with mud, which will perhaps account for its moderate stock of 
fish, as well as for the greenish and unpleasant appearance of its water 
during the latter part of the summer. At its southern point a dam, or 
" plug," has long existed, through which its surplus water is drawn to 
supply the mills on the brook connecting it with the Merrimack. Upon 


this stream, known as " Mill Brook," there is at the present time a plaster- 
mill, a grist-mill, a bark-mill, and a hat factory, with a variety of other 
machinery attached. Near its mouth is also located a steam saw-mill. 
The first corn-mill in the town was erected upon this stream, as was also 
the first tannery, and fulling-mill. In its passage from the pond to the 
river, the water of this brook can be used for mill purposes at least five 
times, though we believe that four times is the most ever yet required 
of it. 

Bound Pond is situated about one mile north of the Haverhill Bridge, 
and about half a mile north-westerly from Plug Pond. It covers an area 
of about eighty acres, and was formerly called "Belknap's Pond," and 
also " Little's Pond," from persons of that name who lived near it. With 
the exception of one small cove at its north-western extremity, the shores 
of this beautiful sheet of water are entirely free from mud, and show its 
bottom to be a clean gravel. There is not a single living stream, large or 
Bmall, seeking outlet into the pond, but it is, with the exception of what 
water may be turned into it from the gently sloping hills surrounding it, 
entirely supplied by subterranean springs. From this pond, by means of 
an acqueduct, the central village is mostly supplied with pure, cold, soft 
water, for domestic purposes. The water in the pond is about one hundred 
and fifty feet above that of the Merrimack, and is well stocked with 
pickerel and perch. The natural outlet to the pond was to the south-west 
into the Little Eiver, through which salmon, and other fish, passed up 
into the pond, in the appropriate season, to deposit their spawn. The 
direction of this outlet was long ago artificially changed, — toward the 
Plug Pond, — so as to secure the surplus water for the mills upon Mill 
Brook. Within a few years, the Acqueduct Company have purchased the 
original mill privilege upon the latter stream, and the above outlet has 
been discontinued. 

Great Pond, or, as it has recently been re-named, " Kenoza Lake," is 
situated about one and a half miles from Haverhill Bridge, in a north- 
easterly direction, and about one-third of a mile east of Bound Pond. It 
covers an area of about three hundred acres, and is the largest sheet of 
water in the town. The water, which in some places is fifty feet in depth, 
is about one hundred and fifty feet above the bed of the Merrimack, and 
abounds with the finest pickerel, — hence the new name, "Kenoza," sig- 
nifying "pickerel." The only outlet from this miniature lake, is the 
Fishing River, already mentioned, through which large numbers of salmon 
and alcwives formerly passed into the pond. White perch, of the finest 
flavor, once inhabited the waters of this pond, but have now nearly disap- 

peared. The woods bordering the pond were long the retreat of various 
kinds of game, and the favorite hunting ground of sportsmen. The beau- 
tiful point of land near the north-eastern extremity of this pond, has long 
been a popular place of resort for parties of pleasure. Since 1 807, the 
inhabitants of the town have, by purchase, enjoyed the unrestricted right 
to occupy the grounds for that purpose. 

Greek Pond is situated in the West Parish, about three miles north- 
west from the principal village, and covers an area of about two hundred 
and fifty acres. The shores, which are quite irregular, exhibit some really 
beautiful scenery, and there are many fine farms in the neighborhood. 
The waters of the pond are remarkably clear and transparent, and the 
bottom is for the most part even and sandy. The pond has long been a 
favorite resort for those who delight to style themselves disciples of Izaak 
"Walton. The outlet to the pond was formerly one of the most productive 
of our alewive fisheries, and was one of the last that ceased to be 

There are several prominent hills in the town, but none which can be 
dignified with the title of mountains. Among them may be named Golden 
Hill, Silver Hill, Turkey Hill, Brandy Brow Hill, and the Great Hill. 
The hills are all of gentle ascent, and capable of profitable and easy culti- 
vation to their summits. 

There are no chains of hills in the town, the eminences being, in nearly 
every case, detached, afi'ording from their summits the view of an unob- 
structed and complete circle of charming landscape. There are no craggy 
peaks, or barren ledges, but the view from valley and hill-top can hardly 
be surpassed for its quiet, unpretending loveliness. 

Golden Hill, which rises upward of three hundred and twenty-five feet 
above the river, is situated about one mile east of Haverhill bridge, and 
its base is about twenty rods from the Merrimack. The prospect from 
its brow is extensive and picturesque. The beautiful island, — long 
known as Clement's Island, — with its fringe of delicately variegated 
foliage, and its smooth, green carpet ; the quiet, rural villages of Grove- 
land, and Bradford, with their snow-white cottages, and well cultivated 
meadows ; and the more extensive village of Haverhill, with its long line 
of substantial manufactories ; are in full view, and, with their rural 
environments, combine to form a picture of extraordinary beauty. This 
hill was originally called "Gelding's Hill," from a person of that name 
who owned, or lived near it. 

Silver Hill, or " Silver's Hill," — so called from a former owner — is 
situated about three-fourths of a mile west of Haverhill bridge, and is 


also plainly seen from tte central village. It rises gradually from the 
Merrimack, -wliicli flows past its southern base, to the height of about three 
hundred feet. The view from its summit is exceedingly beautiful. Before 
us, and almost at our very feet, lies the pleasant village of Haverhill, with 
its twelve hundred dwelling houses, its one hundred shoe manufactories, 
and its eleven churches. Its natural situation is uncommonly fine. Built 
upon a gentle acclivity, the houses rise one above another in such regular 
order that nearly every one can be counted. The Merrimack, dotted here 
and there with a variety of craft, from the light and trembling skifi" to 
the heavy gondola, — and the still more imposing and majestic moving 
ocean craft with their broad white sails, and tall masts overshadowing the 
water, — and spanned with its bridges, flows calmly at its base, not in one 
straight, monotonous course, but with a gentle meandering, of which the 
eye can never tire. Accross the river are seen the smoothly rounded hills, 
the green and fertile fields, and the pleasant villages of Bradford and 
Groveland. To the south rises the hills of Andover, with their wooded 
slopes dotted here and there with neat white farm-houses. A little to the 
west, the tall spires, just peeping above the hills, point out the where- 
abouts of the city which sj)rang into existence almost like Jonah's gourd, 
— the city of Lawrence. A little further still to the west, and the same 
signs indicate the spot long ago settled by the hardy sons of Haverhill, — 
the village of Methuen. In the dim distance beyond, enveloped in its 
misty blue, can be traced the outline of Mount Wachusett. Still further 
toward the west, — as if it were not well the eye should roam too far, — 
the " Scotland " and "West Meadow" hills shut out the more distant 
view beyond ; — but not until we have caught sight of the tall peaks of 
the Grand Monadnock. Sweeping toward the north, we have a view of 
the thrifty farms of the West Parish, with the granite hills of New 
Hampshire in the background. To the north, the eye rests upon a fine 
succession of green fields and wooded slopes, marking a section of the 
town which suffered the most severely from the atrocities of the murderous 
savages. There the brave and resolute Hannah Bradley was twice taken 
captive ; there the lion-hearted Hannah Duston was captured, but not 
conquered, — and thei'e stands her monument ; there the heroic Thomas 
Duston defied the murderous tomahawk to harm the humblest of his little 
flock. There, too,- upon that gentle slope, the brave Captain Ayer, and 
his little band, boldly attacked the retreating foe, upon the memorable 
29th of August, 170S. From this summit might have been heard the 
war whoop, and have been seen the gleaming tomahawk, in nearly every 
attack made upon the inhabitants of Haverhill by the savages. The 

vallej^ of the Little River, (or Indian River, as it was also once called) 
of -wliicli tlie section just mentioned forms a part, is here seen in all its 
beauty, as it stretches with its charming succession of hill, and dale, and 
meadow, from the Merrimack far hack among the granite hills of our sister 
State. This view alone is well worth a visit to the broad summit of 
Silver Hill. 

Turkey Hill, ox, rather, the "Turkey Hills," is the irregular group of 
hills, near, and north of, the East Parish meeting-house. From the south- 
eastern brow of the principal hill, a fine view is had of the valley of the 
Merrimack, for several miles. From the summit of Job's Hill, which is 
situated a short distance directly north of the Turkey Hills, a charming 
view of the East Meadow river and valley is obtained. These meadows 
were the most valuable, as well as most extensive in the town, and were 
highly prized by the early settlers. 

Brandy Brow Hill, — so named from the accidental breaking of a 
bottle of that traditional liquor upon its summit, — is a hill of moderate 
elevation in the extreme northern part of the town. Upon the brow of 
this hill is a large rock, which stands at the corner of four towns, — 
Haverhill, Plaistow, Amesbury and Newton. The vicinity of this hill 
was long noted for the abundance and excellence of its pine timber. 

Great Hill is the name applied to the highest elevation of land in the 
town, and is situated one mile north of Kenoza Lake. This hill, which 
rises three hundred and thirty-nine feet above the level of the ocean, and 
is the second highest land in Essex County, is the most prominent of a 
group of hills, which, as seen from the west and north, appear quite near 
each other, and were early known as The Great Hills. The view from 
the summit of this hill is the most extensive and interesting of the many 
similar views to be obtained in the town. Portions of more than twenty 
towns in Massachusetts, and nearly or quite as many in New Hampshire, 
are easily distinguished by the naked eye. To the east stretches the broad 
Atlantic, whose deep blue waters, dotted with the white wings of com- 
merce, are plainly seen, from the Great Boar's Head to Cape Ann. Near 
its edge, and partially hidden from our sight b}^ Pipe Stave Hill, in New- 
bury, are seen the spires, and many of the houses of the city of Newbury-, 
port. To the right, the eye can distinctly trace the outline of Cape Ann, 
fi-om Castle Neck to Halibut Point. With the aid of a glass, several 
villages upon the Cape are mad§ visible. As we sweep around from east 
to south, nearly all the most prominent hills in "Essex North" can be 
distinctly seen, and easily identified. To the south and south-west, por- 
tions of the villages of Groveland, Bradford, Haverhill, North Andover, 

Andover, and Methuen, and the city of Lawrence, can be seen, peeping 
above the intervening hills. To the south-west, the Wachusett; to the 
west, the Monadnock ; and to the north, the Deerfield mountains, are easily 
distinguished. To the north-west, the village of Atkinson, with its cele- 
brated Academy, is spread out in bold relief. To the north-east, is seen 
the top of Powow Hill, in Salisbury — so named from its having been the 
place selected by the Indians for their great "pow-wows," long before a 
white man gazed upon the waters of the Merrimack from its summit. 
Turning again to the south, ^ve notice, almost at our feet, the beautiful 
Lake Kenoza, glistening in the sun like a diamond encompassed by emer- 
alds. Once viewed, the memory of this lovely landscape scene will never 
be effaced, — 

«« the faithful sight 
Engraves the image, with a beam of light." 

i 5 ^ 




Though the Western Continent bears the name of a later voyager, the 
honor of its discovery has been generally conceded to Christopher Colum- 
bus. But, from the evidence published by the Northern Antiquarian 
Society, at Copenhagen, in 1837, and which seems entitled to confidence, 
it would appear that the Western World was discovered by the Northmen, 
several centuries before the time of Columbus. 

About the year 986, one Biorne, or Biarne, a Norwegian, in sailing 
from Iceland to Greenland, lost his reckoning in dense fogs. When the 
weather became clear, he found himself sailing northeasterly, with low 
and wooded land on his left. Continuing the same course nine days, he 
arrived at Greenland, reaching it in an opposite direction from that in 
which he commenced his voyage. 

Fourteen years afterwards, Leif, with a single vessel and thirty-five 
men, sailed from Greenland in quest of the land discovered by Biorne. 
He found it and named it Helluland. Proceeding southwardly, he came 
to a land well wooded and level, which he called MarJdand. Thence sail- 
ing northeasterly two days, he reached an island, where he landed, built 
huts, and wintered. Having found grapes in its woods, he named it Vin- 
land, or Wineland. 

On his return to Greenland, Leif gave over his vessel to his brother 
Thorwald, who sailed in 1003, to explore the new country. He win- 
tered at A^inland, and the next summer found several uninhabited islands. 
After another winter, he sailed to the eastward and then to the north, 
where he was killed by the natives. After passing a third winter at 
Vinland, his companions returned to Greenland, 

In 1007, Thorfinn, with three vessels and a hundred and sixty men, 


sailed from Greenland to Yinland to found a colony. He touched at Hell- 
uland and Markland, and, steering south, came to a bay extending into 
the country, with an island at its entrance. Southwesterly from this 
Island, they entered a river and passed up into a lake upon whose banks 
wheat and vines grew wild. Here they found natives, of a sallow com- 
plexion, with large, ill-formed faces, and shaggy hair, who came about 
them in canoes. Several conflicts with the savages caused Thorfinn to give 
up his project of colonization and return to Greenland. 

There are also accounts of two more voyages to Vinland within the 
next three or four years, and it is claimed that communication between 
the two countries was not entirely discontimied before the middle of the 
fourteenth century. 

The name Helluland is supposed to have been given to what is now 
called Labrador, or to Newfoundland ; Marhland to Nova Scotia, and 
Vinland to Ehode Island and the southeastern part of Massachusetts. 

There are also traditions, with important corroberation, of a voyage in 
1170, by Madoc, a Welshman ; of the Venitian brothers Zeni, in 1390 ; 
of John Vas Cortereal, a Portugese, in 1463 ; and of Szkolney, a Pole, in 

The existence of this continent may possibly, therefore, have been 
known to the civilized world before the voyage of Columbus, in 1492 ; but 
by him conjecture and doubt were converted into certainty, and all illu- 
sions dispelled. The news of his discovery of a " New World," and the 
glowing descriptions of its wealth, awakened the liveliest enthusiasm 
throughout Europe, and gave a fresh impulse to maratime adventure. 

In 1497, John and Sebastin Cabot sailed from England with three 
hundred men, in two ships, — touched at Iceland, — and, sailing west, came 
unexpectedly upon the coast of Labrador, or Newfoundland. After sail- 
ing along the coast as far south as Maine, and perhaps Massachusetts, 
they returned to England. These discoveries of the Cabots gave to Eng- 
land her claims to this part of North America ; but, for various reasons, 
only a few voyages were undertaken by the English for the next half 

In 1524, John Verazzano, a Florentine, in the service of France, sailed 
along the shore from the 34th to near the 50th degree of north latitude. 
He entered Hudson's Kiver, sailed up Narragansett Bay, for fifteen days 
lay at anchor in the harbor of what is now called Newport, where his ves- 
sel was freely visited by the natives ; kept the coast of Maine in sight 
for fifty leagues, and visited as far north as Nova-Scotia, 


Before the voyage of Verazzano was known in Spain, Stephen Gomez 
had sailed for the new world. He made the coast of Newfoundland and 
sailed along the country southwardly, as far as the capes of the Delaware, 
passing through Long Island Sound. 

In 1535, Jaques Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence, and, in 1540, he 
built a stockade on the hill at Quebec. 

Fifty years after the discovery of America by Columbus, no permanent 
settlements had been made in New England or to the north. The French 
had commenced a lucrative fur trade in Canada, and the cod fisheries of 
Labrador and Newfoundland were already extensive, (in 1577 they em- 
ployed nearly three hundred and fifty vessels), but in all New England 
not a white family was settled — not a white child had been born. 

But, by the opening of the seventeenth century, the thirst for dis- 
covery was fully enkindled, and colonization efforts were more seriously 

In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sailed from Falmouth, in England, with 
thirty-two men in a small bark, and in forty-nine days made the coast of 
New Hampshire, or perhaps Maine. The next day, he discovered a 
"mighty headland," which, from the large quantity of cod-fish caught in 
the vicinity, he named " Cape Cod." Here he landed and explored the 
coast to the south. On a "rocky ilet," in the western part of what is 
now Cuttyhunk, he resolved to make a settlement ; and, after three weeks' 
labor, a cellar was dug and house erected' ■= ; but scarcity of provisions 
and troubles with the Indians, induced him to abandon the idea of a set- 
tlement, and he sailed for England. 

Gosnold's favorable descriptions of the country were incentives to 
further enterprise, and the next year William Brown, with two vessels 
and forty-two men and boys, made land near the mouth of the Penobscot, 
and ranging the coast to the southwest, they passed the islands of Casco 
Bay, the Saco, Kennebunk, York and Piscataqua rivers, sailed by Cape 
Ann, crossed Massachusetts Bay, and, rounding Cape Cod, came to an- 
chor in what is now Edgarton or Oldtown harbor. 

In 1605, George Weymouth arrived on the coast near Cape Cod, and saiU 
ing northward about fifty leagues, anchored at Monhegan, or vicinity, 
where he remained several weeks trading with the natives and exploring 
the country. Before he left, he kidnapped five of the natives, whom he 
hurried into bondage. About the same time, Poutrincourt, a Frenchman, 

° The spot where Gosnold erected his house was identified by a party of Antiquarians in 1817. — 
"N. Am. Review": V.— 313. 


examined the shores of Maine and Massachusetts as far as Cape Cod, hut 
the unfriendly disposition of the natives discouraged him from further 

In 1606, Sir John Popham, Sir Ferdinando Georges and others, having 
procured a grant from King James for two plantations on the Atlantic 
coast, formed two companies — the London and the Plymouth — and soon 
after, the London company sent three ships with one hundred and five 
colonists to the coast of Virginia, where they effected a settlement which 
they called Jamestoivn. About the same time, the Plymouth company 
sent two ships with over one hundred landsmen, under Ealeigh Gilbert 
and George Popham, but the result was an imfortunate colony at the Sag- 
adahoc, which continued only until the next year. This checked, for a 
season, the ardor of the company. 

Meanwhile, discoveries had been made, under the auspices of the Dutch, 
of the Housatonic, Thames and Connecticut Eivers, and upon the Hudson, 
and a trading house had been established near Alban3^ 

The earliest notice we find of the river Merrimack, is through the Sieur 
De Monts, who wrote from the banks of the St. Lawrence, in 160-i, thus : 
" The Indians tell us of a beautiful river, far to the south, which they call 
the Merrimack." Its abundant fisheries, and fertile planting grounds, 
were the scenes of Indian story, and the theme of Indian praise, at that 
early date. The next year, the Sieur De Champlain discovered the Mer- 
rimack. Its position was marked out for him with a coal, upon a board, 
by some Indians whom he met upon the beach, near the point of land at 
the west mouth of the Piscataqua river. This was June 16th. The next 
day, Champlain sailed along the coast to the southward, and discovered 
the river, as the Indian had laid it down. He named it " Eiviere du 
Gas." The same Indian gave him to understand that there were six 
tribes of Indians on the coast, or on the river, under as many chiefs. 

The river was called Merrimack by the northern Indians ; probably 
from Merruh (strong), and Auhe (a place) ^ — a strong place ; or a place of 
strong currents. The strong and rapid current which met them at the 
mouth of the river, as they entered it with their frail canoes from the 
northward, would naturally be the most prominent thing to excite their 
attention, and lead them to couple it with the name of the river. The 
Massachusetts Indians called the river Monomach, from Mona, (an island) 
and Auhe (a place) — the Island Place, or A Place of Islands. By some, 
the latter name is derived from sturgeon, large quantities of which were 
taken by the Indians, and also by the early English settlers. 


But a new era in the annals of New England begins with the voyage of 
Captain John Smith, ifi 1614. With two vessels and forty-nine men and 
boys, he sailed from .London, in March, and in a few weeks arrived at 
Monhegan. While his men fished. Smith ranged the coast in an open boat 
making noted discoveries. In this voyage, the coast was explored from 
Penobscot to Cape Cod, within which bounds, he says: "I have seen, at 
least, forty several habitations upon the sea coast, and sounded about 
twenty-five excellent good harbors." He speaks of the coast of Massa- 
chusetts as " planted with gardens and cornfields, and so well inhabited 
with a goodly, strong, and well-proportioned people, I can 

but approve this a most excellent place, both for health and fertility. 
And of all the four parts of the world I have yet seen, not inhabited, 
could I but have means to transport a colony, I would rather live here 
than any where. * •■= •' Here are many isles, all planted with corn, 
groves, mulberies, salvage gardens-- and good harbors ; and the sea coast 
as you pass, shows you cornfields, and great troupes of well proportioned 
people." Smith acted honorably with the natives, but his companion. 
Hunt, whom he left behind, copied the vile example of AVeymouth, and 
kidnapping upwards of twenty of the natives, sailed for Malaga, where a 
part (at least) were sold as slaves. This barbarous act, says Mather, 
" was the unhappy occasion of the loss of many a man's estate and life, 
which the barbarians did from thence seek to destroy ; and the English, 
in consequence of this treachery, were constrained for a time to suspend 
their trade, and abandon their project of a settlement in New Eng- 

In 1618, Georges, who was still anxious to settle a colony, sent out a 
vessel in charge of Capt. Thos. Dermer, and also sent with him one of the 
natives who "had been carried to England, and who had acquired a smatter- 
ing of the language. After sending his vessel back laden with furs, 
Dermer embarked in an open pinnance of five tons, taking with him Tis- 
quantum, or Squanto,f the native above-mentioned, and " searching every 
harbor, and compassing every capeland," he arrived at what is now called 
Plymouth. This was his " savage's native country," and near here he 
held a friendly conference with two native kings; from Pockanokit. 
From this place Dermer, passing the Dutch settlement at Manhattan, con- 

" Savage gardens. 

t Who subsequently became the friend and interpreter of the Pilgi-ims. 

t Massasoit and his brother Quadequina, who soon after extended a hospitable reception to the Ply- 
mouth colonists. 


tinued on to Virginia. This journey of Dermer preceded the landing of 
the Pilgrims but little more than a year, and was an important addition 
to the knowledge of the country. 

No colony had as yet been planted upon the territory of Massachusetts, 
though colonies were established in Canada and Newfoundland, and the 
Dutch had established trading posts in the " New Netherlands," where 
they were conducting a lucrative trade in furs. It was left for a religious 
impalse to accomplish what commercial enterprise had attempted without 
success. Civilized New England is the child of English Puritanism, and 
a history of its early settlement involves, at least in part, a history of 
Puritanism in England, 




At the time Columbus discovered the New World, nearly all Christian 
Europe was under the dominion of the church of Eome. The pope was 
the recognized head of that church, and the fountain of all power, both 
spiritual and temporal. 

England was Catholic, and for hundreds of years had been the vassal 
of Rome. When Luther kindled the fires of the Reformation, the reign- 
ing monarch of England denounced him as the chief of heretics ; wrote in 
defence of the seven sacraments ; and was rewarded with the flattering 
title " Defender of the Faith." 

But in twenty years from the day Luther burned the bull of pope Leo 
before the gates of Wittemberg, his view had spread over a large part of 
Europe, and Protestantism had assumed its distinctive position. The 
reformation had gained a foothold ; the assumptions of Rome had been 
publicly spurned, and a host of determined opponents of the supreme and 
unlimited authority of the pope had sprung into existence. Even the 
" Defender of the Faith " had experienced a chaiUge, and when Clement 
VII refused to decree his divorce, the monarch renounced his allegiance 
to the Roman See, abrogated the authority of the pope iu his realm, and 
assumed the title of " Supreme Head of the Church of England." 

But it was only a transfer of the tiara from the Tiber to the Thames ; 
and, in four years after, an act was passed " abolishing diversity of 
opinion,"* making the king's form of ortherdox doctrine a standard of be- 
lief, and punishing all teaching to the contrary, even to forfeiture of goods 
and burning at the stake. The king could burn as heretics the favorers 
of Protestantism, and hang as traitors the supporters of the pope. 

The accession of Edward VI opened a brighter prospect. The thunder 
of The Bloody Statutes died away ; prisoners for heresy were set at lib- 
erty ; fugitives allowed to return ; the Bible in English was placed in 
every church, and soon The Six Articles were repealed. But soon fol- 
lowed the requiring of uniformity in public worship, by using the 
prescribed liturgy. All innovations were prohibited, under severe penal- 
ties, even to imprisonment for life. 

* Known as the " Bloody Statutes," and the " Six Articles." 


The accession of Mary still further eclipsed the star of Protestantism. 
Educated a Catholic, and filled with bigotry and pride, she re-established 
Catholicism with all its pageantry and creed, and let loose the fierce winds 
of persecution upon the favorers of Protestantism. The fires of Smith- 
field were kindled, and hundreds perished at the stake, while hundreds 
more, fortunate enough to escape, found in various places on the Continent 
an asylum from the violence raging at home. 

Happily, the career of Mary was of short duration, and when Elizabeth 
ascended the throne, in 1558, the kingdom was once more, and perma- 
nently, severed from the Papal see. The exiles returned, and those who 
had hid emerged from their concealment. But the Puritans, as they 
were now called, were soon satisfied that there was very little hope of a 
further reformation in religious affairs. The Act of Supremacy rec^uired 
an oath of renunciation of the authority of any foreign priest or prelate, 
and a recognition of the supremacy of the sovereign in all causes, ecclesias- 
tical and civil ; while the Act of Uniformity forbid the conducting of 
public worship otherwise than according to the rubric. Two hundred 
Catholics suffered death, and hundreds were imprisoned, and large num- 
bers of ministers were punished for Non-conformity. But, instead of 
destroying, opposition only served to radicate their principles and increase 
their power. In all classes of society, Puritans were found ; and before 
the close of this reign, they began to return a majority in the House of 

The accession of Whitgift to the primacy, in 1583, was a severe blow 
to the dissentients. In one week, instructions were issued forbidding 
preaching, catechising and praying in any private family in presence of 
persons not belonging to it ; and to silence ail preachers who had not re- 
ceived orders from episcopal hands, or who refused or neglected to read 
the whole service, or to, wear the prescribed habit, or subscribe to the 
queen's supremacy, the •' Thirty-nine Articles," and the " Book of Com- 
mon Prayer." Inone year, two hundred and thirty-three ministers were 
suspended in six counties. A " Court of High Commission " was organ- 
ized, with power to "visit, reform, redress, order, correct and amend all 
errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offences, and enormities what- 
soever." The law of England virtually declared England to be 
uninhabitable by non-conformists."-= 

'' Puritanism, as an element of church politics, dates from the time when Hooper refused to be con- 
secrated in the ecclesiastical vestments, in 1550. In like manner, Non-conformity takes its date from 
the refusal of Bishop Coverdalo and others to subscribe to the Liturgy and other ceremonies, in 1563. 
Separatism, soon followed, when several deprived ministers broke off from the public churches, and separ- 
atedin private houses. 


But the High Commission Court did not admit of opposition, except 
from such as were prepared for ruin. Many such appeared. Some suf- 
fered death, and many others long imprisonment and ruinous fines. But 
the seed scattered grew rapidly. 

In 1593, there were four religious classes in England: 1. The Catho- 
lics, who adhered to the Church of Eome ; 2. The members of the English 
Church ; 3. The Pm-itans ; and 4. The Sejmratists, or Independents. Of 
the third class were the founders of the Massachusetts colony, and to the 
fourth belonged the settlers of Plymouth. 

The Puritans were simply non-conformists. Connected with the 
national church, they questioned chiefly the propriety of some of her ob- 
servances. They submitted to her authority as far as they could, and 
acknowledged her as their Mother in all matters of doctrinal concern ; 
and, up to the date of their removal to America, they made no open seces- 
sion from her communion. Had liberty been allowed them, they would 
probably have continued in the land of their nativity and in the bosom of 
the Establishment. 

The Plymouth colonists were not of the national church. Years before 
their expatriation, they had renounced her communion and formed 
churches of their own. Between them and the Massachusetts colonists, 
however, the diiferences were in matters of policy, rather tlian in articles 
of faith ; and, on their arrival in the New World, apart from the influen- 
ces of their native land, and under far difi'erent circumstances, a few years 
intercourse assimilated their views and cemented their union. 

Such was the origin of Puritanism and Independency. We now pass to 
a brief notice of the church of the Pilgrims. 

The church of the Pilgrims was first organized at Gainsborough, about 
1598, and was afterward formed into two bodies, the junior of which met 
at the house of William Brewster, in Scrooby, In July, 1604, a procla- 
mation was issued, commanding the Puritan clergy to conform before the 
last of November, or to dispose of themselves and families in some other way. 
In consequence of this edict, and the persecutions which followed it, the 
Independent churches at Gainsborough and Scrooby resolved to escape. 
The former was the first to depart, fleeing to Holland. The other tarried 
a little longer, hoping for a lull in the fierce storm ; but, finally, after 
many troubles, and two unsuccessful attempts to escape, in August, 1 608, 
they arrived safely in Holland. For a few months, they sojourned at Am- 
sterdam, when they removed to Leyden, about forty miles distant. Here 
they lived in comparative peace. Others, from time to time, joined them, 
until they numbered about two hundred persons. 


But eight years residence in a land of strangers, satisfied this little band 
that Holland could not be for them a permanent home ; and after long 
and anxious consideration, they resolved to remove to America. A grant 
was finally obtained from the Virginia company, and after many delays 
and perplexities, one hundred and twenty persons sailed from South- 
hampton, in two small vessels, — the Speedwell and the Mayflower. The 
former vessel proving leaky, they were obliged to abandon it, and one 
hundred and two embarked in the Mayfloiver. Their destination was to 
some point near Hudson's Eiver ; but after a stormy passage of sixty-four 
days, they came in sight of the white sand-banks of Cape Cod, when they 
tacked to stand to the southward. Becoming "entangled among roaring 
shoals," they retraced their course, and the next day came to anchor in 
what is now the roadstead of Provincetown. After a brief exploration of 
the adjacent country, the voyagers landed and commenced a settlement, 
which they called New Plymouth. The landing was made on Monday, 
December 11th, Old Style, upon what has long since been called Fore- 
fathers' Rock. • 




The fame of the " plantation " at Plymouth soon spread through a 
large portion of England, exciting the deepest interest in the subject of 
colonization, and emigration soon began in earnest. 

In 1623, settlements were made at Cocheco, (Dover, N. H.,) and at 
Piscataqua, (Portsmouth) ; and there were probably a very few settle- 
ments in Maine. In 1621, a company from England, called the Dorchester 
Adventurers, commenced a settlement at Cape Ann, but soon abandoned 
it and removed to Naumkeag (Salem). The Plymouth colony, now num- 
bering two hundred and eighty persons, in thirty-two cabins, had already 
established a trading house at Nantasket, and commenced one at the Ken- 
ebec. During the succeeding year, a settlement was commenced in 
Quincy, on the eminence which still bears the name of the founder of the 
plantation. Mount AYollaston. 

From 1620 to 1630, the emigration to New England was inconsiderable, 
and but few new settlements were made. 

The first vigorous and extensive movement toward the settlement of 
Massachusetts commenced in 1628, when a patent was obtained for Sir 
Henry Roswell and others, conveying lands extending from the Atlantic 
to the Western Ocean, and in width from a line running three miles north 
of the River Merrimack, to a line three miles south of the River Charles. 
In August, of the same year, John Endicott, one of the patentees, with a 
company of " fifty or sixty persons," arrived at Naumkeag ; and before 
winter commenced a new settlement at Mishawam (Charlestown) . The 
next year, the company was much enlarged ; a royal charter was obtained, 
creating a corporation under the name of the " Governor and Company of 
the Massachusetts Bajnn New England ; " and soon after the organization 
under the charter, six vessels with " eighty women and maids, twenty-six 
children, three hundred men, with victuals, arms, tools, and necessary ap- 
parel, one hundred and forty head of cattle, and forty goats," arrived at 
Salem, at which jilace they found " half a score of houses, and a fair 
house newly built for the Grovernor." One hundred of the colonists im- 
mediately " planted themselves " at Charlestown. 

In 1629, it was determined to transfer the charter to New England. 
John Winthrop was chosen Governor, and in March, 1630, he sailed for 


Massachusetts with a fleet of eleven vessels, " filled with passengers of all 
occupations, skilled in all kinds of faculties needful for the planting of a 
new colony." During this year, seventeen ships, with about fifteen hun- 
dred passengers, arrived in the Bay and at Plymouth. Settlements were 
then established at Wessagussett, (Weymouth) Nantasket, Mount Wollas- 
ton, Mattapan, (Dorchester) Salem, Mystic, (Medford) Lynn, Charlestowu, 
Winnissimet, (Chelsea) Xoddle's Island, (East Boston) Thompson's Island, 
Shawmut, (Boston) Watertown, Roxbury and Newtown, within the limits 
of the Massachusetts colony. 

The accessions in 1631 were but few, but in the two following years 
they were more numerous. In 1634, the colony contained fi*om three to 
four thousand inhabitants, distributed in sixteen towns. Boston was the 
capitol. During this year, settlements were commenced at Saugus, Mar- 
vill Head, (Marblehead) Agawam, (Ipswich) and Merrimacke." 

In 1635, Newbury, Concord, and Dedham were incorporated. Already 
"the people were straightened for want of room," and parties from 
Dorchester and Newtown had "planted in Connecticut." In 1636, Roger 
Williams laid the foundation of Providence, R. I., and new settlements 
begun to spring up on every hand. Plantations were made at Windsor, 
Hartford, Weathersfield, and New Haven, in Connecticut ; and at Exeter, 
and Hampton, in New Hampshire. 

Emigrants continued to arrive in large numbers. In three months, in 
1638, no less than three thousand settlers arrived in Massachusetts. 
Plantations were commenced at Salisbury and Rowley, in 1639, though 
persons had settled in the former place as early as 1637. 

In 1640, it is calculated there were in New England over twenty thou- 
sand persons, or four thousand families. 

Before 1643, at which time the four colonies of Massachusetts, Ply- 
mouth, Connecticut and New Haven, formed a " Confederation of New 
England Colonies," there were supposed to be a thousand acres of land 
planted for orchards and gardens, and fifteen thousand other acres under 
general tillage. The number of neat cattle was estimated at twelve thou- 
sand, and the number of sheep at three thousand. Acts had been passed 
incorporating North Chelsea, Salisbury, Springfield, Rowley, Sudbury, 
Braintree, Woburn, Gloucester, Haverhill, Wenham, and Hull, in addition 
to those already mentioned. This year four counties were incorporated : 
Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, and Old Norfolk, containing in all thirty towns. 

The country east of the Piscataqua was still almost without English 

Wood's New England Prospect. 



inhabitants, and the only town then incorporated west of Worcester, (in 
this State) was Springfield."' 

Emigrants continued to arrive in large numbers, until about 1640. 
The meeting of the Long Parliament, by opening the prospect of a fair 
field to fight out the battle of freedom at home, put a final stop to the ex- 
patriation of patriotic Englishmen; and for the next century and a 
quarter, it is believed that more went hence to England than came hither 
from England. Nor did anything that can be called an immigration oc- 
cur again for nearly two hundred years, f 

^ The following is a list of the towns in Massachusetts which were settled previously to 1640, and also 
those settled in that year : 


Barnstable, 1039 

Beverly, 1626 

Boston 1626 

Braintree, 1630 

Cambridge 1630 

Charlesto^Ti, 1628 

Concord 1635 

Dedham 1635 

Dorchester, 1630 

Duxbury, 1637 

Gloucester, 1639 

Hingham, 1633 


Ipswich, 1633 

Lynn, 1629 

Marblehead, 1631 

Medford, 1630 

Newbury 1635 

Plymouth, 1620 

Rowley, 1639 

Roxbm-y 1630 

Salem, 1626 

Salisbury 1639 

Scituate, 1633 

Springfield 1635 


Sudbury 1638 

Watertown 1630 

Wenham 1639 

Weymouth 1624 

Yarmouth 1639 

Haverhill, 1640 

Wobiirn, 1640 

Reading, 1640 

Marshfield 1640 

Manchester, 1640 

Haverhill was the thirtieth town settled within the present limits of the State of MassachiTsetts and 
the forty-ninth in New England. It was the thirty-second incorporated town in the State, 
t Palfrey. 




The native population of New England, at the time of the first English 
immigration, was probably not far from fifty thousand ; of which number 
Connecticut and Rhode Island contained perhaps one-half, and Maine 
rather more than one-fourth. =•■= Of the Maine Indians, the Etechemins 
dwelt furthest towards the east ; the Abenaquis, of whom the Tarratines 
were a part, hunted on both sides of the Penobscot, and westward as far 
as the Saco, or, perhaps the Piscataqua. The home of the Penacook or 
Pawtucket Indians, was in the valley of the Merrimack, and the contigu- 
ous region of Massachusetts. The Massachusetts tribe dwelt along the 
Bay of that name. Then were found the Pokanokets, or Wampanoags, 
in southeastern Massachusetts, by Buzzard's and Narragansett Bays ; the 
Narragausetts, in Rhode Island ; the Pequots, between the Narragansetts 
and the river Thames ; and the Mohegans, from the Pequots to the Con- 
necticut river. In central Massachusetts were the Nipmucks, or Nipnets. 
Vermont, Western Massachusetts and northern New Hampshire, were 
almost, if not absolutely, without inhabitants. 

These principal tribes were sub-divided into numerous smaller tribes. 
Of those upon the Merrimack river, were the Agawams, who occupied from 
the mouth of the river to Cape Ann ; the Wamesits, at the forks of the 
Merrimack and Concord rivers, on the west side of the former and both 
sides of the latter ; The Nashuas, at Nashua ; the Souhegans, on the river 
of the same name ; the Namaoskeags, at Amoskeag ; the Pemacooks,. or 
Penacooks, at Concord ; and the Winnequesaukees, at the Wiers, near 
Lake Winnepiseoge. 

The Penacooks were the most powerful tribe in this whole region. The 
others were controlled by them for a long time, and paid tribute to them. 
Passaconnaway, a firm friend to the English, was the chief of the Pena- 
cooks, and the " Great Sachem of all the tribes that dwelt in the valley 
of the Merrimack, f He was the most noted powow or sorcerer of all the 
country, and exerted an almost boundless influence over his people. He 
lived to a very great age, as Gookinj saw him at Pawtucket (Lowell) 
" when he was about one hundred and twenty years old." He died about 
1665, and was succeeded by his son Wannalancet, who remained at the 

"'' Palfrey. f Elliott. J Hist. Praying Indians. 


head of the fast diminisliing people until 1677, when he retired to Cana- 
da. Wannalancet was succeeded by Kancamagus, (known to the English 
as John Hogkins) son of Nanamocomuck, the eldest son of Passaconna- 
way. He was elected Sagamore by the remnant of the tribe who remained 
at Pennacook after the withdrawal of Wannalancet, and was afterwards 
joined by many " strange Indians," from other tribes, who had become 
disaffected with the English. He was an active spirit in the Indian diffi- 
culties of 1676 to 1691, and one of the most troublesome enemies of the 

The aboriginal inhabitants of New England held a low place in the 
scale of humanity. They had no civil government, no religion, no letters, 
no history, no music, no poetry. The French rightly named them Les 
Homnes des Bois — " Men Brutes of the Forest." Except a power of en- 
during hunger and weather, acquired by their hunting habits, they were 
tender and not long-lived ; and though supple and agile, they always sank 
under continuous labor. In them, the lymphatic temperament predomi- 
nated. They scarcely ever wept or smiled. Their slender appetites 
required small indulgence, though at times a gormandizing rage seemed to 
possess them. Though no instance is recorded of their offering insult to a 
female captive, it must be credited wholly to their natural coldness of 
constitution. Their grave demeanor, which has so often been interpreted 
as an indication of self-respect, was rather an indication of mere stolid 
vacuity of emotion and thought. In constitution of body and mind, they 
were far below the negro race. 

They were simple, ignorant, and indolent. The Indian women per- 
formed all the drudgery of the household, and were also the tillers of the 
soil ; the lazy, indolent lords and masters deeming it debasing to engage 
in aught except hunting, fishing, and war. 

Their principle article of food was Indian corn, prepared in various 
ways, — either boiled alone into hominy, or mixed with beans and called 
succotash, or parched, or broke up into meal and moistened with water, in 
which case it was named nookik'-' They had also fish and game, nuts, 
roots, berries, and a few cultivated vegetables. 

A hoe, made of a clam-shell or a moose's shoulder-blade, was their only 
tool of husbandry. Their manure was fish, covered over in tlie hill along 
with the seed. Fish were taken with lines or nets, the cordage of which 
were made of the fibres of the dogbane, or the sinews of the deer. Hooks 
were made of sharpened bones of fishes and birds, 

* Corrupted into nokik, nocake, nonecake, " Johny-cake," etc. 


Their houses, or wigwams, were of a circular or oval shape, made of 
bark or mats, laid over a frame-work of branches of trees stuck in the 
ground in such a manner as to converge at the top, where was an aperture 
for the escape of the smoke. The better sort had also a lining of mats. 
For doors, two low openings were left on opposite sides, one or the other 
of which was closed with bark or mats, according to the direction of the 

They were slothful, improvident, deceitful, cruel and revengeful. Pa- 
rental and filial alfection were feeble and transient. They had no formal 
marriage or funeral ceremonies, or forms of worship; no flocks, herds or 
poultry. Their shelters, clothing, tools, hunting implements, &c., were of 
the simplest and rudest kind, and could scarce be called ingenious. 

The aborigines of New England possessed no code of laAVs, or any set 
of customs having the force of legal obligation. 

The early French explorers declared that tribes visited by them were 
without a notion of religion, and there is not wanting testimony of the 
same kind in relation to the New England tribes. It is certain they had 
no temples, no public ritual, nothing which can be called social worship, 
no order of priests, no machinery of religion. 

In revenge, they were barbarous and implacable ; they never forgot or 
forgave injuries. Their wars were massacres. 

With the Indian, the social attraction was feeble. The most he knew 
of companionship and festivity, was when he would meet his fellows by 
the shores of ponds, and falls of rivers, in the fishing season. Much of 
his life was passed in the seclusion of his wigwam, and the solitude of the 
chase. This habit of loueliness and of self-protection, made him inde- 
pendent and proud. His pride created an aptitude for stoicism, which 
constituted his point of honor. This was fortitude under sufi'ering. 
Craft, rather than valor, distinguished him in war. Stealth and swift- 
ness composed his strategy. He showed no daring and no constancy in 
the field ; but it was great glory to him to bear the most horrible tortures 
without complaint or a sigh of anguish. 

His brave endurance presented the bright side of his character. He 
was without tenderness, and but few instances are recorded of his appear- 
ing capable of gratitude. Cunning and falsehood were eminently his. 
His word was no security. A treaty could not bind him when he sup- 
posed it might be broken withou.t danger. Exceptions are to be allowed 
for in every portraiture of a class of men, as everywhere and at all times 
there are natures that rise above the moral standard of their place. But 


it remains true of the normal representative of this peculiar race, that his 
temper was sullen, jealous, intensely vindictive, and ferociously cruel.'""' 

They have been called eloquent. Never vras a reputation more cheaply 
earned. Take away their commonplaces of the mountain and the thunder, 
the sunset and the water-fall, the eagle and the buflfalo, the burying of the 
hatchet, the smoking of the calumet, and the lighting of the council-fire, 
and the material for their pomp of words is reduced within contemptible 
dimensions. Their best attempts at reasoning or persuasion have been 
the simplest statements of facts. A\'hatever may be thought of the speci- 
mens of Indian oratory in other parts of North America, — which must be 
allowed to be mostly of doubtful authenticity, — certain it is there is no 
recorded harangue of a New England Indian which can assert a claim to 
praise. Occasions were not wanting, but the gift of impressive speech 
was not his. 

Their manner of expression was vehement and emphatic ; their ideas 
being few, their language was far from copious. It really consisted of 
but few words. They had no letters, but few symbols or signatures, no 
chronicles, and scarce any traditions extending back farther than two or 
three generations. 

Such was the aborigines of New England. Those who have studied 
only the Indian of romance, will seek in vain for a single specimen of such 
among the sober realities of life. Like the traditional Yankee, they are 
only and altogether creations of fancy. 

A few years before the settlement of New England by the English, a 
war broke out among the aborigines of the country, which resulted in the 
destruction of thousands of the Indians. To the war succeeded a pesti- 
lence, which spread far and wide, and was exceedingly fatal. It raged, 
at intervals, for more than two years, and extended from the borders of 
the Tarratiues southward to the Narragansetts, "The people died in 
heaps ; " whole families and tribes perished ; so that " the living were no 
wise able to bury the dead," and seven years afterward the bones of the 
unburied lay bleaching upon the ground around their former habitations. 
The nature of this epidemic has never been determined. It has been sup- 
posed to have been the small pox, or the yellow fever. The Penobscots and 
the Narragansetts suffered but little from it, nor does it seem to have 
troubled the few English residents of the country. Kichard Vines, who 
was stopping at Saco when the pestilence was at its height, says that 
though he and his men " lay in the cabin with these people that died, not 

3 Palfrfy. 



one of them ever felt their heads to ache so long as they stayed there," 
Thus, as if by special Providence, were the aborigines weakened and 
scattered, and New England prepared for the reception of civilized and 
christian immigrants. Throughout the whole of the region swept by the 
pestilence, there was scarce a tribe that dare oppose the sturdy settlers; 
and it was only when several of the stronger ones combined, that they 
were able, even temporarily, to obstruct the progress of the settlement. 

The only serious conflicts with the natives between the settlement at 
Plymouth, in 1620, and that of Haverhill, in 1640, was during the troubles 
with the Pequots, 1636-7. But so vigorously was the war prosecuted 
on the part of the English, that, in a few months, that once formidable 
nation was nearly exterminated, and the few that remained were divided 
among the friendly tribes as vassals. 




The large immigration into Massachusetts during the years immediately 
preceding 1638, led to the settlement of many new plantations, as well as 
the rapid enlargement of those already settled. So great, in fact, was the 
influx of immigrants, that in many places they could not be accommo- 
dated. This was particularly the case with Ipswich and Newbury, whither 
had flocked large numbers of emigrants from the vicinity of Ipswich, 
Newbury, Haverhill, Lynn, and other towns in the easterly part of Eng- 
land. By these persons, several new places were settled ; among them, 
Pentiicket, or Haverhill. 

The earliest intimation we can find of the settlement of this town, is 
contained in the following letter-' to Gov. Winthrop, from one Giles Fir- 
man, of Ipswich, under the date of Dec. 26, 1639: — 

" Much honored and dear Sir: 

But that I thinke it needlesse (God havinge more than ordinarye fitted 
you for such trials) my letter might tell you with what griefe of spirit I 
received the news of that sad affliction which is lately happened to your 
worship, by means of that unfaithful wretch ; I hope God will find a 
shoulder to helpe you beare so great a burthen. But the little time that 
is allotted me to write, I must spend in requesting your worships counsel 
and favour. My father in law Ward,f since his sonne| came over, is varey 
desirous that wee might sett down together, and so that he might leave 
us together if God should remove him from hence. Because that cant be 
accomplished in this town, is verey desirous to get mee to remove with 
him to a new plantation. After much perswasion used, consideringe my 
want of accommodations here (the ground the town having given mee ly- 
ing o miles from mee or more) and that the gains of physick will not 
finde me in bread, but besides apprehendinge that it might bee a way to 
free him fi-om some temptations, and make him more cheerful and more 
serviceable to the country or church, have yeelded to him. Herein, as I 
desire yoiir counsel,so do I humbly request yotir favor, that you would be 
pleased to give us the libertye of choosinge a plantation ; tvee think it will 
bee at Pentuckett or Quichichchek,^ \_Cochichaivich~\ by S haws kin : so soon 
as the season will give us leave to goe, we shall inform your worship 

«- Hutch. Hist. Coll., 128. f Eev. Nathaniel Ward. | John Ward. § Andnver. 


whicli we desire : And if that, by the court of election, wee cannot gather 
a company to begine it, wee will let it fall. We desire you will not 
graunt any of them to any before wee have scene them. If your worship 
have heard any relation of the places, wee should remaine thankful to you 
if you would be pleased to counsel us to any of them. Further, I would 
entreat for advise in this ; The towne gave mee the ground (100 acres) 
upon this condition, that I should stay in the towne 3 years, or else I 
could not sell it : Now my father supposes it being my first heritage (my 
father having none in the land) that it is more than they canne doe to hin- 
der mee thus, when as others have no business, but range from place to 
place, on purpose to live upon the countrey. I would entreate your coun- 
sel whither or noe I canne sell it. Further : I am strongly sett upon to 
studye divinite, my studyes else must be lost ; for physick is but a meene 
helpe. In these cases I humbly referre to your worship, as my father, for 
your counsel, and so in much haste, with my best services presented to 
your worship, wishinge you a strong support in your affliction, and a good 
and comfortable issue, I rest your worships in what he canne to his 
power. GYLES FYEMIN.=> 

Ipsvtich, 26, 10th, 1639. 

Wee humbly entreate your secrecye in our desires." 

Whether the reply of the Grovernor was favorable or otherwise, we are 
unable to determine, but it is certain that Fyrmin did not leave Ipswich 
until fifteen years afterwards. 

At the session of the General Court, held at Boston on the 13th of the 
succeeding May, (May 13, 1640) a petition was received from " Mr. Ward 
and Newberry men" for permission to begin a new plantation on the 
Merrimack,! which petition was " committed to the Governor, Deputy 
Governor, and Mr. Winthrop, Senior, to consider of Patucket and Coijch- 
awick, and to grant it them, provided they returne answer within three 
weeks from the 21st present, and that they build there before the next 

' Gyles Fyrmin (or Firman) was the son of Giles, an apothecary at Sudbury, England. He was born 
in 1614, educated at Cambridge, England, and afterwards studied medicine and was admitted to practice 
previous to his emigration to this country. In 1638, the town of Ipswich granted him one hundred acres 
of land, on condition that he lived there three years. In December, 1639, he married a daughter of Eev . 
Nathaniel Ward, of Ipswich, a few days after which he wrote the above letter to Gov. Winthrop. He 
was made a freeman in the same year. Fyrmin was an elder in the church at Ipswich, where he con- 
tinued to reside until 1654, when he returned to England. He afterward became eminent as a divine, as 
well as physician, and after a long and useful life, he died in April, 1697, at the ripe age of eighty-three 

t This petition is probalily now lost, as the most careful search has failed to give us any further clue 
to it. 

X Colonial Records, 1—200. 


Mr. Ward and his associates selected Pentucket, and commenced a 
settlement at that place some time previous to the October following their 
petition. It is probable that they commenced operations immediately on 
learning the action of the General Court, as they had then barely suffi- 
cient time to plant for that season, and the fact that before the prescribed 
time they had commenced a plantation shows that they were by no means 
dilatory in their movements. 

At the next session of the Court, (October 7th, of the same year) a com- 
mittee was appointed " to view the bounds between Colchester^ and Mr. 
Ward's plantation.! 

We are confident that no white man had settled within the limits of 
Pentucket previous to the coming of Mr. Ward's associates, as no mention 
can be found of such settlement in the records of the colony, which are 
quite full and explicit upon all similar matters relating to that early 
period of its history. As early as September, 1630, (within two months 
after the arrival of the Charter of the Colony) it was "ordered that noe 
person shall plant in any place within the lymitts of this pattent, without 
leaue from the Gouvernor and Assistants, or the maior part of them ; " 
and "also that a warrant shall presently be sent to Aggawam, to com- 
mand those that are planted there forthwith to come away." That this 
was no "dead letter" enactment, may be judged from the fact that seven 
years afterwards, — and when thousands of immigrants had arrived in the 
country, and new settlements were increasing with great rapidity, — an 
order was given to the constable of Newberry to apprehend those men who 
had thus planted themselves at what is now Salisbury, and to take them 
before the court, at Ipswich, to answer for such violation of law. At the 
November Court, 1637, leave was granted certain petitioners from New- 
berry to settle at Winnacunnet, (Hampton) "or upon any other plantation 
upon the Merrimak, below the first falls, and to have sixe miles square ; " 
and, in Sept., 1638, liberty was allowed Gyles Firman, and others, upon 
their petition, " to begin a plantation at Merrimack." 

Winthrop,| under the date of 1643, says: " about this time, two plan- 
tations began to be settled upon Merrimack, Pentuckett called Hauerill, 
and Cochichawick called Andover," Under the date of 1638, he says: 
" One (plantation) was begun at Merrimack," doubtless referring to Salis- 
bury, which was settled about that time. 

Cotton Mather§ makes the date of the settlement of Haverhill 1641, 
but he, as well as Winthrop, evidently reckons from the time of Bev. John 

'^ Salisbury. t Colonial Records, 1 — 303. 

I Hist., of New Ensjlnnrl. 2—121. § Maonalin. 470. 



Ward's coming to Haverhill, which, as we shall see, was not until some 
time after the first settlement. 

Felt-% under the date of 1640, says: "Mr. (Nath'l) Ward, with some 
men of Newbury, is conditionally allowed to form a settlement at Haver- 
hill, or at Andover. This privilege was improved, and the former place 
was chosen before October. His chief object in obtaining such a grant was 
to prepare a residence for his son, who became an estimable minister there." 
We think that the conditions upon which the petitioners were to be 
allowed their request, viz: "provided they returne answer within 
three weeks from the 21st present, and that they huild there before the next 
Courte ; " and the appointing of commissioners at that Court " to view 
the bounds between Colchester and Mr. Ward's plantation ; with the ab- 
sence of conflicting records, or even traditions, are sufficient to fix the date 
of our first settlement as 1640. 

The first company of settlers in the wild woods of Pentucket were from 
Ipswich and Newbury, and were twelve in number. The following are 
their names : — 

William White, John Eobinson, Abraham Tyler, 

Samuel Gile, Christopher Hussey, Daniel Ladd, 

James Davis, John Williams, Joseph Merrie, 

Henry Palmer, Eichard Littlehale, Job Clement. 

The last four were from Ipswich. 

It has been generally supposed that the Eev. John Ward was the per- 
son who petitioned to the Greneral Court in the spring of 1640, and that 
he accompanied the first band of settlers to Pentucket. But we are confi- 
dent that neither supposition is correct. The historian of Ipswich, in the 
passage already quoted, and the editor of our Colonial Eecordsf both say 
that the Ward alluded to in the Court Eecords, was Nathaniel, (the father 
of John Ward,) who was, it seems, very anxious to find some good place 
for his son to settle in the ministry. 

That John Ward did not settle in Haverhill as early as 1640 is evident 
from the fact that he preached at Agamenticus (now York, Me.) in the 
early part of 1641, and perhaps later. Winthrop, (Hist. 2, p. 34) under 
date of Feb. 29, 1641, says: 

" Mr. Peters and Mr. Dal ton, with one of Acomeuticus, went from Pis- 
cata(|uack, ivith Mr. John Ward, who was to he entertained there for their 
minister ; and though it be but six miles, yet they lost their way, and 
wandered two days and one night, without food or fire, in the snow and 
wet. 'But God heard their prayers, wherein they earnestly pressed him 

■> Hist. Ipswich, 18S4. t Dr. Shurt.left'. 


for the honor of his great name, and when they were even quite spent, he 
brought them to the sea-side, near the place where they were to go, blessed 
forever be his name." 

After diligent search, we have been unable to find the name of any 
other John Ward to whom the incident could refer ; and, to strengthen us 
in our supposition, no writer except Mirick (in his History of the town) 
places the date of Mr. Ward's coming to Haverhill earlier than sometime 
in the year 1641. Mather (Mag. 2, 470) says of him : " The first notice 
of him that occurs to me, being in the year 1639, when he came over into 
these parts of America; and settled therein the year 1641, in a town 
also called Haveril." Farmer (N. E. Geneo.) gives the date of Mr. 
Ward's settlement in Haverhill as 1645. He evidently, however, mistakes 
Mr. Ward's settlement as minister, for his first settlement in the town. 
Felt, (Hist. Ips.) under date of 1641, says: — "Eev. John Ward, Mr. 
John Favor, and Hugh Sherratt went from Ipswich to Haverhill ; " and 
Allen, (Am. Biog. and Hist. Diet., p. 571) says " he preached for some 
time at Agamenticus, but in 1641 was settled at Haverhill, then a new 

We have directed our attention to the history of the church at York, 
Me., but without receiving any additional light upon the point. Green- 
leaf (Eccl. Hist. Maine) informs us that " the first preacher at York of 
whom any account is preserved, was one Burdett, who came hither from 
Exeter." And, in another place, he says, "no record can be found at 
this day of the first gathering and embodying of the church in this town, 
nor the proceedings of the church under the two first ministers. It is 
presumed, however, that it was organized in the year 1673. In that year, 
the Eev. Shubal Dummer was ordained at York ; and as the uniform prac- 
tice had been to gather and organize a church before settling a minister, it 
is highly probable that the church is to be dated from that year." 

The first mention made of Mr. Ward, in the Town Eecords of Haver- 
hill, is a note at the bottom of the page, under the year 1643, stating that 
on the 29th of Sept., 1642, he had "sixteen acres of land laid out to 
him for a home-lot, with all the accommodations thereunto belonging." 

Aside from the almost certain fact that Mr. Ward preached at York as 
late as 1641, and the weight of written authority that his settlement in 
Haverhill was in that year, much stress, we think, may be placed on the 
strong improbability of a person in his circumstances and position accom- 
panying a small pioneer company of persons to break ground for a new 
settlement. Such labor was, at least, not usual for a " minister." It 


would seem more reasonable that he should have waited until the settle- 
ment had been made, before he took up his residence among them ; and 
such, we believe was the fact. It is probable he came to the new planta- 
tion about the fall of IG-tl. So pleased were the settlers with their good 
fortune in securing his settlement among them, that they named the place 
" Haverhill," that being the name of his birth-place, in England. 

John Ward, the master-spirit of this hardy band of pioneers, was a 
son of Rev. Nathaniel Ward, ■= and a grandson of Eev. John Ward, a 
worthy and distinguished minister of Haverhill, England. He was born 
in Haverhill, Essex Co., England, Xov. o, 1606. He received the degree 
of A. B. in 1626, and that of A. M. in 1630, at the University of Cam- 
bridge, England. He came to this country in 1639. 

Matherf speaks of him as " learned, ingenious, and religious. He was 
a person of quick apprehension, a clear understanding, a strong memory, 
a facetious conversation, an exact grammarian, an expert physician, and, 
which was the top of all, a thorough divine ; but, which rarely happens, 
these endowments of his mind were accompanied with a most healthy, 
hardy, and agile constitution of body, which enabled him to make nothing 
of walking on foot a journey as long as thirty miles together. Such was 
the blessing of God upon his religious education, that he was not onl}'^ re- 
strained from the vices of immorality in all his younger days, but also 
inclined unto all virtuous actions. Of young persons, he would himself 
give this advice : Whatever you do, be sure to maintain shame in them ; 
for if that be once gone, there is no hope that they'll ever come to good. 
Accordingly, our Ward was always ashamed of doing any ill thing. He 
was of a modest and 'bashful disposition, and very sparing of speaking, 
especially before strangers, or such as he thought his betters. He was 
wonderfully temperate in meat, in drink, in sleep, and he was always ex- 
pressed, I had almost said, affected, a peculiar sobriety of apparal. He 
was a son most exemplarily dutiful unto his parents ; and having paid 
some considerable debts of his father, he would afterwards humbly ob- 

"■ Rev. Nathaniel Ward, a son of Rev. John Ward, was born in 1570, and educated at the University 
of Cambridsre. He was, for some time, pastor of a church at Standon, lu Hertfordshire, but being driven 
out of England for his non-conformity, he emigrated to New England in 163i, and settled as pastor ol the 
church at Ipswich, then called Agawam. He was bred a lawyer, and, in 1638, was appointed by the General 
Court to draw n\> a code of laws for New England. Though a pious man, he was very eccentric in his conduct. 
He soon left his charge at Ipswich, was without employment for some time, and returned to England in 
16i7. He was afterwards a settled minister at SheflBeld He died in 1653. He wrote several books of 
humor, and some learned treatises, but none have come down to us but the one entitled " The Simple 
Cobler of Agawam," which he wi-ote at Ipswich, and which has passed through many editions. 

t Mugnalia; 


serve and confess, that God had abundantly recompensed this his dutiful- 

" Though he had great offers of rich matches in England, yet he chose 
to marry a meaner person, •■whom exemplary piety had recommended. He 
lived with her for more than forty years, in such an happy harmony, that 
when she died he professed that in all this time, he never had received 
one displeasing word or look from her. Although she would so faithfully 
tell him. of everything that might seem amendable in him, that he would 
compare her to an accusing conscience, yet she ever pleased him wonder- 
fully ; and she would often put upon him the duties of secret fasts, and 
when she met with any thing in reading that she counted singularly 
agreeable, she would still impart it unto him. For which cause, when he 
lost this his mate, he caused these v/ords to be fairly written on his table- 
board. — 

la Lageuda Compare, Vita; Spacium Conipleat Orbus; 

And there is this memorable passage to be added. "While she was a maid 
there was ensured unto her, the revenue of a parsonage worth two hundred 
pounds per annum, in case that she married a minister. And all this had 
been given to our AVard, in case he had conformed unto the doubtful mat- 
ters of the Church of England ; but he left all the allurements and 
enjoyments of England, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people 
of God in a wilderness. 

" Although he would say, there is no place for fishing like the sea, and 
the more hearers a minister has, the more hope there is that some of them 
will be catched in the nets of the Gospel ; nevertheless, through his 
humility and reservation, it came to pass, that as he chose to begin his 
ministry in Old England at a very small place, thus when he came to New 
England he chose to settle with a new plantation, where he could expect 
none but small circumstances all his days. He did not love to appear 
upon the public stage himself, and there appeared few there, whom he did 
not prefer above himself : but when he was there, every one might see 
how conscientiously he sought the edification of the souls of the plainest 
auditors, before the ostentation of his own abilities. And from the like 
diffidence it was, that he would never manage any ecclesiastical affairs in 
his church, without previous and prudent consultations with the best advi- 
sors that he knew : he would say he had rather always follow advice 
though sometimes the advice might mislead him, than ever act without 
advice, though he might happen to do well by no advice but his own." 

*•* Alice Edmunds, by whom lie hid two children, Elizabeth and JIary. His wife died March 24, 16S0. 


Pleasant, indeed, is it to be able to point to so amiable and exemplary 
an individual as one of the founders of our town, and the spiritual and tem- 
poral adviser and master-spirit of its early settlers. Mr. AVard died 
December 27, 1693. 

Of the previous history of the associates of Mr.' AVard in his arduous 
enterprise, we have been able to glean but few particulars, — which may 
be found in another place. For the present, suffice it to say, that their 
descendents have ever been, and yet are, among our best and most prom- 
inent citizens. 

At the succeeding October court, " Mr. Edward Woodman, Mr. Paine, 
and Mr. Nelson, were appointed to view the bounds between Colchester 
(Salisbury) and Mr. Ward's plantation,"'- from which it would seem that 
the work of settling had been begun in earnest. The first house was 
erected near the old burying ground, f and for some time the principal 
settlements were made in that vicinity, though land was cleared and broken, 
and houses built in other parts of the town. It was nearly two years, 
however, before a house was erected as far from the centre as Little Eiver, 
about which time one was built near where Winter Street now crosses 
that stream. 

The Indian name of the region included within the present bounds of 
the town, was Pentuckett, and it was at one time the home of quite a 
numerous tribe of that name, who were under the jurisdiction of Passa- 
connaway, chief of the Pennacooks. Their principal village is supposed to 
have been on the banks of Little Eiver, not far from its mouth ; and the 
second house on Merrimack street, east from Emerson street, stands upon 
their ancient burial ground. When the cellar of the above house was 
excavated, a number of Indian skeletons were dug up, in a very good state 
of preservation. J Heads of arrows, stone mortars, and other Indian relics, 
have frequently been found in that vicinity, thus confirming the tradition 
of a settlement thereabouts. 

We have now no means of knowing how many of the aboriginees still 
lived here at the time of Mr. Ward's settlement, but circumstantial evi- 
dence indicates that they were few in number. In but few of the early 
accounts of the native inhabitants is any mention made of any tribe or 
tribes at this place ; and where mentioned, it is as a remnant — the last 
few — of a once vigorous tribe. On the other hand, the wording of the deed, 

o Colonial Records— 1. f Now called Pen tucket Cemetery. 

JOne of the workmen upon the occasion drank a bumper of punch to the memory of the original 
inhahitants, /rom one of the skulls thus brought to light .' 


and the small sum paid for the large extent of territory, strongly favor the 
conclusion that but two families of the natives then remained." It is 
probable that the terrible pestilence of 1613, in its desolating march from 
the Kennebec to the Narragansett, included the Pen tuckets among its vic- 
tims, and left only a few to await the approach of civilization. The rude 
marks upon this deed, are the only memorial we have left of the aboriginal 
inhabitants of Pentucket. They have faded aioay. As leaves before the 
chilling frosts, so have they fallen and withered before the breath of civil- 
ization, and silently sunk into the graves of their fathers. 

Soon after the settlement of the place, it was named Haverhill, in 
compliment to Mr. Ward, who was born, as we have mentioned, in Haver- 
hill, Essex County, England. 

At the session of the General Court, in the succeeding June, (1641) 
" Mr. John Woodbridge, Matthew Bayse, John Crosse and George Giddings, 
they four, or any three of them, are appointed to set out the bounds of 
Salisbury and Pentucket, alias Haverhill ; they are to determine the 
bounds which Mr. Ward and his company are to enjoy as a towne or vil- 
lage, if they have six houses up by the next General Courte in the 8th 
month," [October.] We must not suppose from this, that six houses had 
not as yet been erected, because, as we have seen, twelve persons (and 
probably most of them men of families) had already been here a year, 
and had, within that time, received considerable accession to their numbers. 
It would be strange indeed if they had not, by that time at least, double 
the required number of houses erected. We should interpret the act of 
the General Court as specifying the smallest number of dwellings that 
should be reckoned as a town or village, rather than as declaring that so 

'-■ To show that Haverhill was not peculiar in this respect, we miy refer to Xewbury and Ipswich, once 
without doubt the home of a large tribe of Indians. 

Newbury was settled in the spring of 1635, but the first intimation of any Indians, either by record or 
tradition, is in 16-t-l, when a parcel of land was allotted to one "John Indian." The next mention is in 
1650, when "Great Tom, Indian," sold to the selectmen of Newbury "all his right, title, and interest 
in all the woods, commons and lands in Newbury, together with his three acres of planting land as it is 
fenced in one entire fence in Newbury, lying near Indian Hill." There is no other notice of either of 
these Indians. The next intimation of any Indians in that town, is in 1661, when the family of "Old 
Will" is referred to, which was in 1663 the only Indian family in the town, and consisted of himself, wife, 
and three daughters. 

From a report made to the General Court in 1676, it appears there were then, " at and about Ipswich, 
eight men and se\enteen women and chiUlrfn, Indians, and at Dunstable, Wonolancet's company of about 
sixty persons." 

Cofiin, in his valuable History of Xeiuhuvy, av/s,: — " However large the population of this region 
might once have been, it is certain that from various causes the race had become nearly extinct, when the 
white population had determined to occupy the territory, thus providentially vacated ; and it was with 
the " knowledge, licence and good liking " of the few that remained, that the first settlers took possession 
of this then howling wilderness." 


many as six houses had not as yet been erected in this new plantation.'- 
At the time the town was first settled, it was covered with the thick, and 
in many places almost impenetrable woods of the primitive forests, except- 
ing the lowlands, or meadows. There were no pleasant fields, nor gardens, 
nor public roads, nor cleared plats. Except where the timber had been 
destroyed, or its growth prevented, by frequent fires, the groves were thick 
and lofty. The Indians so often burned the country, to take deer and 
other wild game, that in many parts of it there was but little small timber. 
The meadows had been partially cleared by the Indians long before the 
arrival of the white settlers, and were covered with a heavy growth of 
grass, which grew remarkably thick and high. The Indians were accus- 
tomed to set this grass on fire each autumn, so that they might the more 
easily kill the deer which came to feed upon the young grass the succeeding 
spring. On account of the grass, these lands were prized very highly by 
the first settlers, as from them they procured hay for their flocks and herds. 
In the early settlement of this, and other New England towns, these 
meadow lands were divided into small lots and distributed among the set- 
tlers. In many cases the "meadow lot" was several miles distant from 
the house of the owner, and as roads and other conveniences of travel and 
transportation had not as yet been introdaced, we can easily imagine that 
"haying" was then a much more laborious and expensive matter than 
now. After being cut and cured, the dried grass was piled in stacks on 
the meadows, and left until winter, when it was hauled home on sleds, by 

The foi'ests were filled with the various kinds of birds and small ani- 
mals peculiar to New England. The worst enemy, of the beast kind, to 
the infant settlement, was the wolf. These gave a great deal of trouble, 
and at one time had become so bold and troublesome, that a large plat of 
ground was enclosed near the common, and used as a pasture for the sheep. 
Shepherds were appointed to watch over them, and at night they were 
closely folded, as a still greater security. Even after the town had become 
quite extensively settled, these voracious prowlers did much and frequent 
damage by their depredations, and the town at various times offered liberal 
bounties for their destruction. 

Though only twelve persons composed the first party of settlers in the 
town, their numbers were soon increased by the arrival of others. Of 
those who ai'rived in IG-IO and 16-il, we are able to give the names of only 

'" A newspaper story ■nriter (1832) says, that in the autumn of Ki-il there were only six houses in he 
town. We presume his statement is founded upm tlio aliove montioned vntn of the General Court. 


Job Clements (son of Eobert), John Tavor, and Hugh Sherratt, though 
we are confident that several others came as early as the spring of 1641. 

The winter of 1641-2 was unusually severe. Boston harbor was frozen 
over so deeply that it was passable for horses, carts, and oxen for six 

The first recorded birth in the town was that of John Eobinson, (son of 
John) who survived but three weeks. The second birth was also a son of 
the same, in 1642, who lived but one week. The third child born, was 
Deborah, daughter of Tristam Coffin, in 1642, who lived only six weeks. =••' 
The simple record of these early deaths in that little community, consid- 
ered in connection with the exceeding severity of the preceding winter, 
and the known cares, anxiety and labor that always attend a first settle- 
ment, even under the most favorable circumstances, clearly and most 
touchingly tells of denials, exposures, and life-destroying hardships. 

Hardly had the little company commenced life in their new home, when 
intelligence was received by the Governor, from Connecticut, (September, 
1642) that "the Indians all over the country had combined themselves 
to cut ofi" the English."! 

The time appointed for the massacre, was soon after the harvest. The 
Indians were to divide themselves into small parties, and visit the houses 
of the principal men for the professed purpose of trading, while others 
concealed themselves in the vicinity. At a given signal, those in the 
houses were to fall upon the owners, slay them, and seize upon their weap- 
ons, while the concealed party were to rush in and assist in completing 
the bloody work. 

Upon the reception of this intelligence, it was thought advisable, by the 
Governor and Council, to disarm all the Indians within our jurisdiction. 
A warrant was accordingly sent to Ipswich, Eowleyand Xewbury, " to dis- 
arm Pasaconnaway, who lived by Merrimack." The next day forty armed 
men were sent for that purpose, although it was the Sabbath, and a heavy 
rain was falling. On account of the rain, they could not reach his wig- 

■■-■ The following gives the number ii births and deaths in the town each year, from 1G41 to 1G61, so far 
as (jiven in the town records : 


1 in 1041 




n 1655 

2 " 1642 

'J " 



" 1656 

1 " 1640 

7 " 



" 1657 

1 " 1644 

11 " 



" 1658 

:i " 1645 

10 " 



" 1659 

6 " 1640 

lU •' 



" 1660 

i") " 1647 

10 ' 



" 1G61 

t Winthrop. 2— 



1 inlGll 

1 in 1651 

2 in 1658 

2 •■ 164:3 

2 " 1652 

4 " 1659 

1 " 1646 

1 " 1653 

3 " 1660 

1 " 1647 

6 " 1654 

1 " 1661 

1 " 1643 

5 " 1657 

8 " 1662 

2 " 1650 


warn, but came to his son's, and took him and his squaw and child 
prisoners. On their return, they led the son with a line, for fear of his 
escape. He, however, eluded their vigilance and escaped into the woods. 

Upon learning of this unwarrantable proceeding, the Governor and 
Council immediately sent a friendly messenger in search of Passaconna- 
way, to inform him that the capture of his son and his family was without 
their orders, and also to tell him the reasons why they had disarmed the 
Indians in their jurisdiction. The woman and child were also sent back. 
The mission proved successful, and in a few days the chief sent his oldest 
son to deliver up his guns to the English. 

No massacre of the kind was, however, perpetrated ; but it was after- 
ward ascertained that such a plot had existed, headed by the chief of the 
Jfarragan setts. 

Though the town was settled and houses erected in 1 040, it was not 
until more than two years afterward that a title to the land was purchased 
of the Indian owners. As it was usual for the Massachusetts settlers to 
buy the land they wished to occupy, we are left in doubt as to the reason 
why the Haverhill men did not sooner make such a purchase. The most 
reasonable solution we can give is, that when the white settlers first came 
to Pentucket there were no Indians living here ; and that afterward one 
or two families, descendants, perhaps, of tlie original owners, straying back 
to their old hunting and fishing grounds, and finding them in possession 
of the " pale faces," had laid claim to the land ; or else that the number 
of Indians living here was so small that they were not considered worth 
noticing at all, until the startling intelligence of the intended massacre 
suggested the purchase as a security against molestation from the Indians 
near them. At any rate, the fact that the purchase was made within the 
next month after the above-mentioned information first reached the Colony, 
would seem to indicate some such a condition of things. The following is 
a correct copy of the original deed, " of which we also give a perfect fac- 

" Know all men by these presents, that wee Passaquo and SaggaHew 
with ye consent of Passacounaway : have sold unto ye inhabitants of Pen- 
tuckett all ye lands wee have in Pentuckett ; that is eyght myles in length 
from ye little Eivver in Pentuckett Westward : Six myles in length from 
ye aforesaid Eivver northward : And six myles in length from ye foresaid 

'^ The original document was for a long time in the possession of the descendants of William White, 
one of the ■witnesses to the deed, but at the suggestion of the writer, it has recently been presented to the 
Town of Haverhill, by E. A. Porter, Esq., administrator <if the estate of the late Charles White, Esq. 
As it was originally given to " the inhabitants of Pentuckett," it seems appropriate and proper that it 
should be in the possession of the Town, and we are pleased to announce that it has been so disposed of. 







Eivver Eastward, with ye Ileand and ye rivver that ye ileand stand in as 
far in length as ye land lyes by as formerly expressed : that is, fourteen 
myles iu length : And wee ye said Passaquo and SaggaHew with ye con- 
sent of Tassaconnaway, have sold unto yc said inhabitants all ye right 
that wee or any of us have in ye said ground and Ileand and Eivver : 
And wee warrant it against all or any other Indeans whatsoever unto ye 
said Inhabitants of Pentuckett, and to their heires and assignes forever 
Dated ye fifteenth day of november Ann Dom 1642. 

Witnes our hands and seales to this bargayne of sale ye day and year 
above written (in ye presents of us,) wee ye said Passaquo & SaggaHew 
have received in hand, for & in consideration of ye same three jjounds & 
ten shillings. 

John Ward 
Robert Clements 

Tristram Coffin 
Hugh Sherratt 

William White 

ye signe of (1) 


Thomas Davis 


ye marke of 
(A how and arrow.) 

ye marke of 

(A hoio and arrow.) 





On the side of it the following is written : — " Entered and recorded in 
ye County Kecords for Norfolk (lib. 2d, pa. 209) yc 29th day of April 
1671 As attest Tho. Bradbury Eecorder. 

Kecorded ye first of April 1681 among ye records of Lands for Essex 
at Ipswich : As attest Robert Lord Eecorder." 

On the outside it is endorsed, " The purchase from the Indians by Ha- 
verhill men, Recorded." 

In 1680, the deed was copied into the Town Records, and the following- 
testimony, taken by iJs^athaniel Saltonstall, is written on the succeeding 

*' The Rev. Teacher of ye church & towne of Haverhill, Mr. John 
Ward ; & William White and Tho. Davis do testifie that Haverhill towne- 
ship or lands then by ye Indians called Pentuckett, was purchased of ye 
Indians as is mentioned in ye deed in this paper contained, which is en- 
tered upon record and that wee were then inhabitants at Haverhill and 


present with ye Indians Passaquo and Saggahew (who were ye apparent 
owners of ye land & so accounted) did signe and confirme ye same ; and 
that then, wee, (with others now dead) did signe our names to ye deed, 
which land wee have ever since enjoyed peaceably without any Indian 
molestation from the grantors or their heirs. Taken upon February ye 4th 
1680 before Nath. Saltonstall. Assist." 

" Lieut. Brown and Lieut. Ladd both affirm upon oath that what is 
entered in the records for Haverhill as the deed of purchase from the In- 
dians of Haverhill Township or lands, of which the deed above written is 
a true copy, was, and is a true copy, extract, or transcript of the original 
deed given by the Indians. Taken upon oath, February the 4th, 1680. 
Before me, Nath'l Saltonstall. Assist." 

The following brief biographical notices of the witnesses to this import- 
ant instrument, will doubtless be read v/ith interest. 

Of John Ward we have already given an extended notice, and will only 
add, that he married Alice Edmunds, in 1646, by Avhom he had two chil- 
dren, Elizabeth and Mary (••'). His wife died March 24, 1680. 

Robert Clement came from England, in the early part of 1642, landing 
at Salisbury, from whence he came to Haverhill sometime in the fol- 
lowing summer, with his wife and four children — John, Lydia, Eobert 
and Sarah. Job, his son, came as early as 1640-1, doubtless to " spye 
out the land." His youngest daughter, Mary, remained in England (in 
the city of Coventry, in Warwickshire) until about 1652, when she also 
came over to Haverhill, and was soon after married by her father to John 
Osgood, of Andover, Mass. 

Kobert, senior, was the first Deputy of the town to the General Court, 
and until 1654 ; was associate Judge ; County Commissioner ; "appointed 
and empowered by the General Court to give the oath of fidelity to the in- 
habitants of Haverhill ; " appointed to set oif the public lands, fix their 
limits, &c. He was a man of rare integrity, and superior talent, as may 
readily be judged from the responsible stations he was repeatedly called to 
fill. He died on the spot where he first settled, in 1658, aged about 

•- Elizabeth, born April 1, 1647, and died April 19, 1714; Mary born June 24, 1649, died Oct. 11, 1685. 
Elizabeth married Nathaniel Saltonstall, Dec. 28, 1663, and had five children :, — 
Gurdon, born March 27, 1666, died in 1724. 
Elizabeth, born September 17, 1668. 
Richard, born April 25, 1672, died April 22, 1714. 
Nathaniel, bom September 5, 1674. 
John, born August 14, 1676, died October 2, 1681. 



68 (=•■=). He owned, when he died, the first grist-mill built in town. His 
son Eobert, whom Mirick confounds with Kobert sen., was a cooper by 
trade, and the first one in town. In 1652 he married Elizabeth Fane, by 
whom he had eleven children. He held several town offices, was a large 
landholder, and lived near where the " Exchange Building" is now situ- 
ated. We have not ascertained the time of his death, but he was living 
in 1684. His wife died in 1715. 

Job was a tanner (probably the first in town) , and married Margaret 
Dummer — the first marriage in town. 

John, was a farmer, and married Sarah Osgood. 

The Clements for a long time occupied a prominent position in the town 
and county, and their descendants have ever been considered as among our 
best citizens. Several generations of them have lived on the place now 
owned by Jessee Clement (in the North Parish), who is a lineal descend- 
ant from Eobert sen. 

Tristram Co^?z was born in 1609, in Brixham parish, town of Ply- 
mouth, in Devonshire, England. He was the son of Peter and Joanna 
Coff'yn. Tristram married Dionis Stevens, and in 1642, after the death 
of his father, he came to New England, bringing with him his mother.f 
his two sisters, Eunice and Mary, his wife, and five children (Peter, Tris- 
tram, Elizabeth, James, and John). 

c " The inventory of Mr. Robert Clements, his goods and estates in New England, excepting some small 
debts which cannot yet be accompted, he died ye 29th of Sept., 1658. 

£ s. d. 

Iny his wearing apparell IG 18 00 

It ('-■) his purse, money, silver, seal and 

ring 1 07 00 

It by one bill owing him 55 00 00 

It one paver of Steers 3 08 08 

It twenty bushell of rie 10 00 00 

It one cow and 30 lbs of rie 5 00 00 

It one bill 8 15 00 

It one bill 12 15 00 

It one bill 56 00 00 

It one bill 5 00 00 

It one bill 06 06 00 

It one bill li 00 00 

It one bill 02 03 06 

It one bill 04 00 00 

It one bill 07 12 00 

It one engagement of rent for land 05 00 00 

It 4 cows, 2 steers, one heifer 22 00 00 

It 3 mares, 1 philli, 1 boss, 1 colt 69 00 00 

It 3 cows 10 00 00 

It in swine, calves and sheep 10 15 00 

It in bedding 25 13 00 

It a psU (t) of cotton wooU & cotton 

varne, sheeps wool!, canvers & 

fethers 03 01 00 

It on carpett, warmg pan, &, cotton cloth, 01 10 00 

t Who died in Boston in 1001, aged 77. Rev, John Wilson preached her funeral sermon, and "em- 
balmed her memory." — Sewall. 


£ s. d. 
It his dwelling house <£ accommodations. .55 00 00 

It 8 loads of hay & a psil linen cloth 05 00 00 

It his grist mill 30 00 00 

It one payer of oxen 12 00 00 

It a psU of boards & two stocks of bees. .02 13 00 
It wooden vessels and earthen vessels & 

one spade 01 16 00 

It cotton and linen yarn 02 10 00 

It one debt 3 tr 03 00 00 

It one debt of 10 tr 10 00 00 

It in wheat & Indian corn 03 10 00 

It for chests, Tunnes & cards Potts & 

kettles 4 17 CO 

It several things, viz., fier shovel & tongs 

Andyrons spitt, plough 05 17 16 

It chayns & such like Iron things 

It in books fowling piece, table cloth and 

napkins. 03 18 00 

These goods were apprized by us whose names 
are under written. 

Trist. Cqfftn, 
Willi White. 

■" Item. 
■ Parcel. 


He came to New England early in the Spring of 1642, in the same ship 
with Robert Clements, and landed at Salisbury, from whence he came to 
Haverhill sometime dui'ing the following summer. He seems to have set- 
tled near Mr. Clements, and tradition has it that he was the first person 
who plowed land in Haverhill. 

Mirick says, that " in the following year he removed to the Rocks, 
where, in 1645, he was liscenced to keep an ' ordinary,' or tavern — hence 
the name ' Coffin's Ordinary.' " If, by the " Rocks," he means the place 
then called by that name, and afterward designated as "Holt's Rocks," 
(just below the bridge at Rock's Village) he is evidently mistaken in the 
locality. Mr. Coffyn was licensed "to keep an ordinary a^ Newherry," 
and also to " keep a ferry on Newbery side over Merrimack, when the 
interest of G-eorge Carr shall be determined, and that George Carr shall 
have liberty to keepe his boate going on Salisbery side." 

The place where Mr. Coffyn settled was in Newbury, opposite what has 
since been called Carr's Island — so called from the above-named George Carr. 
Mirick gives the date of the license as 1645, and Coffin (Hist. Newbury) 
1644*; but we cannot find it in the Colonial Records of either year. 
Coffyn was first licensed on the 26th of May, 1647, and, as we have above 
mentioned, to keep an ordinary " at Newberryf.". He probably removed 
there about that time. 

Although 3Tr. Coffyn was the person licensed, it seems that 3irs, C. did 
sometimes " help, aid, and assist," as we find that in 1645, she was "pre- 
sented" for " selling beere at 3d a quai'te," contrary to the law in such 
case made and provided, which required four bushels of malt to the hogs- 
head, and that it should be sold at 2d per quart.! Mrs. Coffyn made it 
" appear to the Court " that she put in six bushels into a hogshead, where- 
upon the Court acquitted her ! 

*' He also gives the same under the date of December 26, 1647. 

t It would seem, however, that there was a place in the easterly part of this town, known as CofSn's 
Ordinary, ahout 1652. In that year, a second division of upland was made, in which James Davis re- 
ceived forty acres, one piece of which was hounded as follows : " By James Davis sen. on the west ; the 
great river on the south; on the north side a swamp; on the east a brook; the other part bounded by a 
red oak at Coffin's ordinary nanning np that brook to a black oak, James Davis sen. on the east ; the 
great river on the south. 

X Some of the regulations concerning taverns, or ordinaries, are worth preserving; and as matters of 
curiosity and illustrations of the manners and customs of " ye olden time," we give some of them. 

In 1634, it was ordered by the General Court, " that noe pson that keepes an ordinary shall take 
above vj d a meale for a pson, and not above j d for an ale quarte of beare, out of meale tymo, under 
the penalty of xs for eury offence, either of dyet or beare. Likewise, that victulars, or keeps of an ordi- 
nary, shall not suffer any tobacco to be taken into their houses, under the penalty of vs for eury offence, 
to bo paydo by the victular, and xij d by the party that takes it." 

Tol>acco was evidently far from Ijeing the popular weed of these more modern times. Even its pri- 


Mary, daughter of Tristram, married Nathaniel Starbuck, at Nantucket, 
and all accounts agree in representing her as an extraordinary woman. 
In the language of John Kichardsou, an early writer, " the Islanders 
esteemed her as a Judge among them, for little of moment was done with- 
out her." It was her custom to attend their town meetings, where she 
took an active part in the debates, usually commencing her address with 
" my husband thinks " so and so ; but Eichardson says, that " she so far 
exceeded him in soundness of judgment, clearness of understanding, and 
an elegant way of expressing herself, and that not in an affected strain, 
but very natural to her, that it tended to lessen the qualifications of her 
husband." In 1701 she became a Quakeress,^"-' took the spiritual concerns 
of the whole Island under her special superintendance, was speaker in 
their religious meetings, wrote the quarterly epistles, and was distinguished 
in every relation in life. Eespecting her domestic economy, the same 
author observes : " the order of the house was such in all the parts thereof 
as I had not seen the like before ; the large and bright-rubbed room was 
set with suitable seats or chairs, [for a meeting] so that I did not see any 
thing wanting according to place, but something to stand on, for I was not 
free to set my feet upon the fine cane chair, lest I should break it." Mary 
died in 1717. She had six children. The descendants of Tristram 

vate use was "regulated," as will appear from the following : "Further, it is ordered, that noe pson shall 
take tobacco publiquely, under the penalty of ij s vj d, nor privately, in his owne howse, or in the howse of 
another, before strangers, and that two or more shall not take it together, any where, under the aforesaid 
penalty for eury offWnce." In 1637, "upon many sad complaints that much drunkeness, wast of the good 
creatures of God, mispence of precious time, and other disorders have frequently fallen out in the inns, and 
common victualing houses," the Court ordered that " it shall not bee lawfuU for any persone that shall keepe 
any such inne, or common victualling house, to sell or have in their houses any wine, nor strong waters, nor 
any beare, or other drink other than such as may and shall be souled for Id the quarte at the most." 
The Court also ordered that no beer should be brewed by any innholders or victualers, but only by lisenced 
brewers, and that even they should not " sell nor utter any beare, or other drinke, of any stronger size 
than such as may and shall be atforded at the rate of 8shs the barrell. 

It does not appear, however, that these " Maine Laws " put a stop to the use of either tobacco or " strong 
water : " and the Court the next year relaxed the severity of the last named regulation, so as to allow 
innkeepers and victuallers to brew their own beer. Two years after, they repealed the " orders about re- 
straint of beer," and p3rmitt:d it to be sold at 2d a quart, which was the rule when Mrs. Coffyn was 
called to account in 1645. 

- Since writing the above, we have found the following interesting paragraph in a Boston Paper, (Sep- 
tember, 1859) : " Narcissa B. Coffin of Nantucket, a well known minister of the Society of Friends, was ' 
in Beverly for a short time on the 22d ult. She had just returned from Vermont and Upper New York, 
where she had been engaged in visiting prisons, houses of bad repute, and almshouses, preaching the 
Gospel to the inmates, sometimes with great hopefulness, many of the outcasts of society seeming glad to 
hear of a Saviour. Mrs. Coffin is a granddaughter of Joseph Hoag, niece of Lindley Murray Hoag, and 
daughter of Hannah Butrey, all of them well known and highly respected ministers in the Society of 
Friends. Joseph Hoag had a large family, aU of whom, both sons and daughters, with their companions 
(except two) were preachers. Mrs. C. is the wife of Dr. Alex. G. Coffin, a worthy Friend, and a lineal 
descendant of Tristram Coffin, one of the fii'st settlers of Nantucket, who moved thither from Haverhill 
about two hundred years ago. 


CoflSn are very numerous ; amoug them was the distinguished Admiral 
Sir Isaac Coffin ;" more than twelve thousand of that name were supposed 
to be in the United States thirty years ago. 

Hugh Sherratt came from Ipswich, in 1641, with Mr. Ward and John 
Favor. In 1650 a house lot was granted him " over the little river," from 
which we pi'esume that he settled in that part of the towii. As he was to 
leave open a highway, " both by that and the great river," it would seem 
that the location must have been in the vicinity of the westerly side of 
what is now Washington Square, near the site of the " South Church." 
At the time this lot was granted him, he, with several others, had laid 
down his lot in the (Pond) plain. 

From the fact that his name frequently appears in the Court records as 
defendant in actions for debt, we judge that he must have been one of 
those whose talent for accumulating property was not large. In 1662, he 
was permitted to keep an ordinary, and to sell " strong water and wine at 
retail." From this we should infer that he was a man of sobriety and 
respectability, as in those days only such persons were permitted to occupy 
so responsible a position. But his hard luck seems to have followed him 
through life. In 1677, then in his ninety-ninth, year (his little remain- 
ing proi>erty having been illegally taken from him,) the poor old man was 
compelled to ask relief from the town. Then, as now, willing and prompt 
to support its poor and needy, the town agreed with Peter Brewer to keep 
him for five shillings per week, one half of which was to be paid in bread- 
stuff, and the other in meat. Upon a motion *' to know who would lend 
corn, or meat, to the town, for the support of Hugh Sherratt ; and they 
to be paid by the next town rates ; several engaged as followeth ; Eobert 
Emerson, bacon ; Joseph Emerson, beef, 6 lb. ; Daniel Ela, beef, 12 lb. ; 
Samuel Gile, beef, 6 lb ; Henry Kingsbury, Indian, 1 ; John Page Jr, 1 
Ind. and meat 2 lb ; Thomas Eaton, 1 8 lb meat or corn ; Eobert Ford Jr, 
1-2 Ind ; Bartholomew Heath, pork 4 lb ; Thomas Davis, pork 4 lb, but- 
ter 1 lb ; Michael Emerson, pork 4 lb ; Thomas Whittier, turnips 1 ; 
Eobert Ayer, pork 6 lb ; Daniel Hendrick, meat 2 lb ; Peter Ayer 3 lb 
meat or corn; Thomas Ayer Jr, 1 lb meat." 

Considering that the town had now been settled nearly forty years, the 
very small amounts specified in this loan excite our surprise. We can 
hardly imagine that the time should ever have been when the loan of a 
single pound of beef, or butter would have been deemed a notable thing, 
and worthy of a place in the records of a town. Yet it was so. 

" Admiral Coffin lately established a school at Nantucket, for the children there who are descendants 
from his ancester Tristram. The building was calculated for six hundred, but eight hundred young 
Coffins presented themselves! — Boston Paladium, July, 1829. 


The town was not however, long called to bear the burden of supporting 
the aged patriarch. The next year he reached the uncommon age of one 
hundred years, and, ere its close, was laid to rest. He died September 
5th, 1678, aged 100 years. 

William White, whose name is attached to the deed, was one of the 
pioneer band of settlers in the town, and came here from Newbury. He 
was born in 1610, and came to New England in 1635, settling at Ipswich. 
He subsequently went to Newbury, and finally settled in this town, being 
as we have seen, one of the first company of settlers. He died September 
28, 1690, aged 80. His widow soon after removed to Ipswich, where she 
died in 1693. Mr. White settled on the farm now owned by Mr. James 
D. White, and we find that he owned a farm in Newbury in 1650. Soon 
after the church was gathered, he became a member, and was one of its 
firmest pillars ; he had the honor of the town very much at heart, and was 
esteemed by its citizens, and was frequently entrusted with its most im- 
portant business. His descendants are exceedingly numerous, and are 
scattered in almost every direction over the United States. In his will, 
which is dated 2d January, 1683, he says : "I give to the Eev. Mr. Ward, 
my Teacher, in Haverhill, 10s. in silver; I give to the church of Haver- 
hill, of which I am a member, the linen cloth which is on the communion 
table, and one of the j^ewter dishes which was mine, which was used 
at the sacrament, and to be kept for that use only so long as it may 
serve with decency for the common good of that society. My will is, that 
the girl which was given to me by the girl's mother to breed up, if my 
wife will keep her untill John White [his son] marry, let her keep it, 
otherwise John White to put her out to sum one who will bring her up in 
good nurtour ; if afterward she live with John till she is 1 8 years of age, 
or day of marriage, the said White is to cloth her well, and to give her 
five pounds. I give to Edward Brumidge a cloth jacket, and britches, and 
a shurt, all of mine own wearing." The amount of his property taken 
after his decease, was £508, 10s. * 

o This William White had one son, John, who m. Hannah French at Salem, on Aug. 25, 1662 and d. 
Jan. 1, 1668-9, aged 29 leaving one son, JoJin, b. March 8, 1664, m. Lydia Gilman, da'r of Hon. John Gil- 
raan of Exeter, Oct. 24, 1687, and had manj- sons and da'rs, " whose descendants are exceedingly numer- 
ous.^' He d. 1727. Said John and Lydia had sons William, Samuel, JVicholas, Timothy, (gradu. 
Harv. Col. 1720) James and John, and da'rs Mary (m. to James Ayer of Hav'U 1710) Hannah (m. to 
Eev. Samnel Phillips of xVudover 1712) £Zizft6c</(, (m. Eev. Amos Maine of Eochester) Ahigail, (m. 
to Moses Hazen 1728) was mother of Gen. Moses Hazen, — Lydia, (m. to Nath'l Peaslee, Esq.,) and 
Joanna. The last named William IT/iife m. Sarah Phillips, sister of sd. Samuel Phillips, June 12, 
1716, and had sons Tri7Zia?)i, (merchant in Boston) 5aHi«c^, (Esq'r in Hav'U) John, (of Methuen, d. 
ISOOiegSO) Timothy (bookseller in Boston) Philips, (of Southampton, X. H., Judge of Prob., — Mem- 
ber of Congi-ess) and da'rs ^fary (m. Eev. John Chandler, BUlerica) and Sarah (m. Col. Wm. Thomp» 


Thomas Davis, wliose mark is affixed to the deed was a sawyer, from 
Marlborough, England, and, we believe, a brother of James, one of the 
first company of settlers. He married in England, before emigrating to 
America. He came to Newbury in 1641, and settled in Haverhill early 
in the spring of 1642. He died July 27, 1683.- His wife died April 7, 
1668. He had one son (Joseph) who died September 15, 1671.f 

son of Billeriea). Samuel White, (bro. of the Wm. wlio m. Sarah Phillips) m. Euth Phillips, another 
sister of Rev. Samuel Phillips, and was fathcj of John W/iite, Harvard College, 1751, and gr'd father of 
Hon. Leonard White — R. C, 1787. 

-^ Coffin and Mirick, speak of the descendants of Thomas Davis as very numerous, but we think they 
must be mistaken. The only child of his mentioned in the Town Records, is Joseph, who died in 1671. 
The numerous descendants referred to, are, we think, rather those of James, brother of Thomas ; and of 
John, an early settler in Newbury. John died in 1675. He had seven children, aiid his descendants are 
'• very numerous," as are also those of James. As early as 1720, there were no less than nineteen fami- 
lies of that name in town. 

t Joseph, son of Thomas, was doubtless a wild boy, if we may judge from one of his capers. Under 
the date of 1652, the Portsmouth Court Record thus refers to him: "Whereas it doth appear that Joseph 
Davis of Haverhill was presented for putting on women's apparel and going from house to house in the 
night time, with a female, and whereas the said parties being removed from Haverhill into this jui'isdic- 
tion, and being apprehended and brought into the Court at Strawberry Bank ; the said Joseph Davis is 
judged to pay a fine of eight shillings, and also to make public acknowledgement of his fault on a lecture 
day, before the next Court, in default of which he shall forfiet forty shillings more." We may charitably 
presume that the unpleasant termination of his nocturnal adventure suspended his pursuit of pleasure in 
that direction, at least. 



FROM 1643 TO 1649. 

MiRicK, in his history, says, "the first lawful town-meeting was holden 
this year " (1643). He doubtless based his decision upon the fact that no 
record is preserved of any previous meeting of the inhabitants, but from 
the fact that allusions are made to things done by them previous to that 
time, we think it is correct to say that meetings were held as early as the 
first year of the settlement. They were not, it is true, technically speak- 
ing, iow??-meeting3, — because the plantation was not incorporated until 
1645, — but were meetings of the inhabitants of the plantation, at which 
was transacted all business relating to the plantation, as such. The fact 
that a note to the minutes of the first meeting recorded, mentions the lay- 
ing out of land to Mr. John Ward, fourteen months previously, seems to 
us conclusive, that the settlers held regular meetings from the first. While 
the inhabitants were few, there was but little general business necessary 
to be done by them, and that little could be so easily remembered, it was 
hardly necessary to make a record of it. But as the settlers multiplied, 
and their affairs became more complicated, they wisely made provision for 
a regular record to be kept of all their doings in their collective capacity. 
About this time, also, the General Court passed a law requiring a record 
of births, marriages, and deaths to be regularly kept in each town ; and at 
the May term of the Court, (1643) the colony was divided into four coun- 
ties, Esses, Middlesex, Sufl"olk, and Norfolk. Haverhill was assigned to 
Norfolk, which was composed of Salisbury, Hampton, Haverhill, Exeter, 
Dover and Strawberry Bank, (Portsmouth). =-'^ At the same Court, a tract 
of land containing six hundred acres was granted to Mr. Nathaniel Ward, 
father of John Ward, " near Pentuckett, or as near as conveniently may 
be." The Court also granted to Haverhill "a parcel of meadow-land 
about six score acres more or less, west of Haverhill about six miles." 

Under these circumstances, Eichard Littlehale was chosen "clerk of the 
Writs," and " town Eecorder,"f and commenced a regular record of 
the births, marriages and deaths, in the town, and also the proceedings of the 

'' The Courts were holden alternately at Salisbury and Hampton. 

t He continued in ofBce till 16G-t. The Court of Writs was a small Court established in towu to try 
such causes as did not exceed forty shillings. It was sometimes called the Court for " small causes : " and 
frequently the Clerk of tiie Writs and Town Recorder were filled by one person. 


inhabitants at their regular meetings. The date of the first meeting thus 
recorded, is November 6, 1643, and the first vote passed was to prevent an 
unnecessary destruction of timber. 

The following is a correct copy of the vote: — " Voted that no man 
shall fall or cause to be fallen any timber upon the Comon but what he 
shall make use of within nine months next after it is fallen or other- 
wise it is and shall be forfieted." At the same meeting they voted, " that 
there shall bee three hundred acres laid out for houselotts and no more ; 
and that he that was worth two hundred pounds should have twenty acres 
to his houselott, and none to exceed that number ; and so every one under 
that sum, to have acres proportionable for his houselott, to gether with 
meadow, and Common, and planting ground, proportionably." This land 
was laid out east of Little Kiver, where the village stands, and was called 
an " accommodation grant." 

An important movement of this year (1643) was the " Confederation of 
the New England Colonies." The original movement toward a confeder- 
ation proceeded from the western colonies, and the first proposal came from 
Connecticut. At first Massachusetts was indifferent to the measure, but 
at the General Court in May, commissioners presented themselves at Bos- 
ton from each of the three colonies, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New 
Haven, and the Grovernor, with two magistrates and three deputies, were 
authorized to treat on the part of Massachusetts.'' At first the commis- 
sion encountered some difficulties, but " after two or three meetings they 
lovingly accorded," and agreed upon the terms of what, for important 
purposes, was for many years a Federal Government of the New England 

The year 1643 is also memorable from a great earthquake, which hap- 
pened on Sunday, March oth. " It came with a rumbling noise, but 
through the Lord's mercy it did no harm."t It was also a year of want 
and hunger. "Corn," says Winthrop, "was very scarce all over the 
country, and many families in most towns had none to eat by the end of 
April, but were forced to live of clams, muscles, dry-fish, and so forth, but 
the merchants had great success in the sale of their pipe staves and fish." 
The Tried, of Boston, "made a good voyage, which encouraged the 
merchants, and made wine, sugar and cotton very plentiful and cheap in 
the country. Our supplies from England failing much, men began to look 
about them, and fell to a manufacture of cotton, whereof we had store 
from Barbadoes, and of hemp and flax, wherein Kowley to their great 
commendation exceeded all other towns. "J 

o Winthrop, 2—00. t Winthrop, 2—93. J Winthrop— 2 : 94, gS; 


On the fifth of July " there arose a sudden gust at northwest so violent 
for an hour as it blew down multitudes of trees. It lifted up their meet- 
ing house at Newbury, the people being in it. It darkened the air with 
dust, yet through God's great mercy it did no hurt, but only killed one 
Indian with the fall of a tree. It was straight (narrow) between Linne 
(Lynn) and Hampton."* There was little rain this winter, and no snow 
till the third of march, the wind continuing west and northwest near six 
weeks, "f 

At a Town-meeting, holden the 6th of the following February, it was 
voted, "that all landholders shall pay all publique rates according to their 
number of acres that they hold to their houselotts ; and if any man shall 
buy one acre of meadow, one acre and halfe of planting gi'ound, or one 
acre of commonage to his houselott, he shall pay proportionably for every 
acre or commonage with the houselott." 

The former historian of the town, in referring to the above vote, says : 
" It will be perceived that the landholders only paid the public taxes, and 
that each man w-as rated according to the number of acres in his " house- 
lot," and not according to the property he possessed." We wonder that 
he should have been so careless in his statements. A reference to the vote 
of the November preceding will show that the number of acres of each 
house-lot depended entirely upon the number of pounds the settler was 
worth. In other words, a man was granted land, and paid taxes, accord- 
ing to the amount of property he possessed. 

At the meeting of February 27th, it was " voted that Job Clement 
should have a parcell of ground, not exceeding one quarter of an acre at 
the Mill Brooke, being bounded forth by the Free-men to sett him up a 
tann-house and tann-fatts upon, to him and his heirs forever." 

The Mill Brook referred to, is the small stream running from the outlet 
of Plug Pond to the Eiver, and which has retained the same name to the 
present time. We have been unable to find any particular mention of a 
mill upon it at that early period, but its being thus called renders it quite 
certain that a mill (doubtless a corn-mill) had already been erected upon 
it. It is worthy of note, that from that time to the present, the stream 
has been occupied for the same purpose. 

Job Clement, was a brother of Robert, one of the witnesses to the 
deed, and was the first tanner in town. His tannery was erected near 
the mouth of the brook. As we mentioned in regard to a mill, so may we 
say in regard to a tannery, that one has constantly existed upon the stream 
from that time to the present. 

o Winthrop— 2 : 124. t Winthrop— 2 : 155; 



September 19 th, " two churches were appointed to be gathered, the one 
at Haverhill, the other at Andover (both upon Merrimack river). They 
had given notice thereof to the magistrates and ministers of the neighbor- 
ing churches, as is the manner with them in New England. The meeting of 
the Assembly was to be at that time at Eowley, (the forementioned planta- 
tions, being then but newly erected, were not capable to entertain them that 
were like to be gathered together on that occasion) . But when they assembled 
most of those who were to join together in church fellowship at that time, re- 
fused to make the confession of their faith and repentance, because, as was 
said, they declared it openly before in other Churches, upon, their admis- 
sion into them. Whereupon the messengers of the Churches not being 
satisfied, the assembly brake, before they had accomplished what they in- 
tended. But in October, 1645, messengers of Churches met together 
again, on the same account, when such satisfaction was given, that lilr. 
John Ward was ordained pastor of the Church in Haverhill, on the North 
side of the said Merrimack, and Mr. John Woodbridge was ordained pastor 
of the Church at Andover, on the south side of the same." 

The first marriage in town was that of Job Clement and Margaret Dum- 
mer, who were married on the 25th December. The second marriage was 
that of Greorge Corlis and Joanna Davis, on the 26th of Oct., 1645.1 

Among cotemporary matters of interest at this period, we may mention 
the following: On the 5th of June, two ministers' sons, students in Har- 
vard College — James Ward, son of Nathaniel Ward, (and brother of 
John Ward of Haverhill) and a son of Kev. Thomas Welde of Eoxbury, — 
being found guilty of robbing two dwelling houses in the night time of 
eleven pounds in money, and thirty shillings worth of gunpowder, " were 
ordered by the governors of the college to be there whipped, which was 
performed by the President himself." This was the first punishment of 
the kind within the walls of old Harvard. 

In those days fish were commonly made use of by farmers in the vi- 
cinity of rivers and fishing places, as manure for the corn, (a practice 
copied from the Indians) , and from the following extracts, it would seem 
that " doggs" were not only very numerous, but troublesome. The Ips- 
wich records contain the following : 

« Hubbard, 416 : Wintbrop, 107. 

t During the twenty years succeeding the first marriage, (that is from 16i4 to 1664), there were thirty, 
seven marriages in town, viz : — 1 in 1644, 1 in 1645, 2 in 1646, 2 in 1647, 2 in 1648, 2 in 1650, 2 in 1652 
1 in 1655, 2 in 1636, 1 in 1657, 2 in 1659, 1 in 1660, 3 in 1661, 5 in 1662, 10 in 1663. 

It is probable the above includes also those inhabitants of the town who were married out of the town. 


" May 11. It is ordered that all doggs for the space of three weeks 
after the publishing hereof, shall have one legg tyed up, and if such a 
dogg shall break loose, and be found doing any harm, the owner of the 
dogg shall pay damages ; if a man refuse to tye up his dogg's legg, and hee 
be found scraping up fish in a corn field, the owner thereof shall pay 
twelve pence damages, beside whatever damage the dogg doth. But if 
any fish their house lotts and receive damage by doggs, the owners of 
those house lotts shall bear the damage themselves," 

The following is from the Exeter records : 

•' May 19, 1644. It is agreed that all dogs shall be clog'd and side- 
lined in ye day, and tied up in ye night, and if any dogs shall be found 
trespassing in the lots, they that shall find them shall showt them." 

Wolves were also troublesome about this time, as we find in the records 
of Exeter, Hampton, and Newbury, large bounties were offered for every 
wolf killed.'-' 

" The winter of 1644-5 was very mild, and no snow lay, so as ploughs 
might go most part of the winter, but on February sixteenth there fell so 
great a snow in several days as the ways were unpassable for three weeks, 
so as the court of assistants held not." f 

Jan. 13, 1645, the town "Voted, That every inhabitant that will, may 
make upon the common for every acre of house-lott which he hath, one 
hundred of pipe-staves and no more ; provided he fall no timber for the 
same within two full miles of the houselots." 

The penalty for a violation of the above vote was five shillings. 

At the town meeting of March 14, 1645, it was voted, " that every in- 
habitant may keep for every acre that he hath to his house lott, either an 
horse beast, ox, or cow, wth a foale or calfe, wth a year old, a two year 
old, and a three year old, until they shall be of the age of three years and 
an halfe, upon the commons appointed by the greater part of tlie freemen 
and no more." 

What was then called the commons, were such lands as were not granted 
to any individual. 

*^So serious had the matter become, that in June, 164:5, the General Court declared that: "Whereas, 
great losse and damage doth befal this commonwealth by reason of wolves, which doe destroy so great 
numbers of our catle, notwithstanding provision hathe formerly beene made by this court for suppressing 
of them, and wee find little hath binn donne yt way for ye better incouraging of any to sett about a work 
of so great concernment, itt is therefore ordered, yt any person, either English or Indian, yt shall kill 
any wolf or wolves within teune miles of any plantation in this jurisdiction, shall have for evry wolfe by 
him or them so killed, tenne shillings, to be paid out of the treasury of ye county." — Col. Bee. 3 : 17. 

tWinthrop 2:210. 



Joliii Ward, 
Eobert Clement, 
Job Clement, 
John Clement, 
Josepb Merrie, 
Abraham Tylor, 
Hugh Sherratt, 
Henry Savage, 
Christopher Hussey,^" 
Daniel Hendrick,'--' 
John Williams," 

James Fiske, 
Thomas Hale," 
James Davis, sen.* 
James Davis, jun.," 
John Eaton, 
Bartholomew Heath,'' 
Tristram Coffyn, 
Daniel Ladd, 
Samuel Gile," 
John Davis." 

There were in town this year, as near as can be ascertained, thirty-two 
landholders, viz : — 

Eichard Littlehale,'" 
William Butler, 
John Ayer, sen., 
John Ayer, jun., 
Joseph Peasley," 
William "^Miite," 
John Eobinson," 
Henry Palmer,'-' 
Thomas Davis," 
George Corliss, 
Nathaniel Wier," 

Those names which have a " attached to them were from Newbury. 

George Corliss came from England to Newbury about the year 1639, 
being at the time about twenty-two years of age. He is believed to be the 
first one of the name who came to this country, and the ancestor of most 
if not all of that name in New England. He married Joanna Davis, Oct. 
26, 1645, by whom he had one son and seven daughters." 

Corliss was an enterprising and industrious man, and well qualified to 
take a prominent part in the settlement of a new town. He settled in the 
West Parish, on the farm of the late Ephraim Corliss, — now owned by his 
son Charles, who is of the seventh generation from the original grantee, — 
and at his death was possessed of a large landed property. He owned 
most of the land on both sides of the old " Spicket Path," as it was then 
called, for a distance of more than three miles. 

John Rohinson was a blacksmith, and came with the first settlers in 
1640. In 1657 he bought a house-lot in Exeter, and soon after removed 
to that place. 

The plantation of Haverhill was this year incorporated into a town, 
being the twenty-third town settled in the colony, 

The first church was gathered in the summer of this year ; it consisted 
of fourteen members, eight males and six females ; and Mr. John W^ard 
was ordained their pastor. Johnson, an early writer, says : — " The Town 
of Haverhill was built much about this time, lying higher up than Salis- 
bury upon the fair and large Eiver of Merrimack : the people are wholly 
bent to improve their labor in tilling the earth and keeping of cattel, 

" Jolm, the son, married Mary Milford, Dec. 17, 1684, by whom he had four sons and two daughters. 
His son John was the father of thirteen childien. 

2. C 


whose yearly increase encourages them to spend their days in those remote 
parts. The constant penetrating further into this Wilderness hath caused 
the wild and uncouth woods to be filled with frequented wayes, and the 
large rivers to he overlaid with Bridges passeahle hoth for horse and foot ; 
this Town is of a large extent, supposed to be ten miles in length, there 
being an overweaning desire in most men after Meadow land, which hath 
caused many towns to grasp more into their hands than they could after- 
ward possibly hold ; the people are labourers in gaining the goods of this 
life, yet they are not unmindful also of the chiefend of their coming 
hither, namely, to be made partakers of the blessed Ordinances of Christ, 
that their souls might be refreshed by the continual income of his rich 
grace, to which end they gathered into a church-body and called to office 
the reverend Mr. Ward, son to the former named Mr. Ward, of Ipswich. 

"With mind resolved run out thy race at length, 

Young Ward, begin, whereas thy father left, 

Left hath he not, but breaths for further strength, 

Nor thou, nor he, are yet cf hope bereft ; 

Fruit of thy labours thou shal see so much, 

The righteous shall hear of it, and rejoyce 

"When Babel falls by Christ's almighty touch, 

All's folks shall praise him with a cheerful voice. 

They prosper shall that Zion's building mend, 

Then Ward cease not with toyle the stones to lay. 

For great is he thee to tliis work assigned, 

Whose pleasure is, heavens Crown shall be thy pay."* 

At this early day, the houses of the settlers were all on or near the 
present site of the village, while their meadow, and upland (or ploughing 
land) lots, were located in various parts of the town. Each man received 
a number of acres in the village for a " house lot." The size of this, as 
we have seen, was dependent on the amount of property he possessed. In 
addition to the house-lot, each man received a portion of meadow, and 
planting land, the number of acres being regulated by the size of the 
house lot. The meadow and planting lands were often several miles dis- 
tant from the house lot. In course of time, as the country became more 
thickly settled, and the land cleared up, many of the settlers removed 
from the village to their planting land, A natural desire to have all their 
land as nearly in one body as possible, led to the frequent buying, selling 
and exchanging of lots, and in course of time, the lots, or farms, of the 
settlers, became more compact ; and, as their wealth increased, their num- 
ber of acres also increased. 

" This church was the 26th gathered in the colony. 


As a specimen of the manner in whicli the land was first distributed, 
we copy the following from the records of the town : — 

1G59 "Daniel Ladd's'- accommodations. Six acres of accommoda- 
ations : Four acres to his house lot ; more or lessf : Eobert Clement's 
bounding on the east, and Henry Savage on the west. Five acres in the 
plain : William ^yhite on the east and John AYilliams on the north. 
Nine acres up the great river, Thomas Ayers on the east and George 
Browne on the west. Four acres of meadow in the east meadow, more or 
less ; Joseph Peasly on the south, and George Browne the north. One 
acre and a half of meadow in the pond meadow ; James Davis sen on 
the south, and Eobert Clement jun on the north. One acre of meadow at 
Hawkes meadow ; John Davis on the south, and Thomas Whittier on the 

"Daniel Ladd's 2d division, containing 27 acres of upland, be it more 
or less ; with sixteen acres of ox-common and a half, bounded by George 
Corley-and John Hutchins on the west; by a black oak, a white oak, a 
red oak, and a walnut on the south ; by a walnut and a white oak on the 
east, by two white oaks and an ash on the north. Three acres of meadow 
lying on Spicket Kiver, bounded by Thomas Davis on the south, and Eob- 
ert Clements on the north : and one spot of meadow at Primrose swamp, 
and another spot at the east meadow, at the head of the meadow that 
was John Davis's adjoining to his own. For the land that was taken 
off Daniel Ladd's 3d division, we added a piece on the north side of the 
highway round the meadow that was Goodman Hale's bounded by the high- 
way and Merrie's Creek. Third division of meadow containing 3 acres, 
be it more or less, bounded by John Page on the south, a pine on the east, 
his own uplands on the west, and uplands on the north of the said 
meadow, lying in mistake meadow." 

Daniel Ladd doubtless fovmd farming quite a different thing from what 
most farmers of the present day find it. His house lot was in the village ; 
his planting ground in two places, — a part of it " in the plain " from one 
to two miles east of the village, and the other part " up the great river,'' 
at least as far, on the west of the village — while his meadow lands were 
in seven lots, and as many distinct meadows. East meadow was in the 
easterly part of the town, three miles from his home lot, while Spicket 

« Daniel Ladd, m. Ann . Children : Mary, b. Feb. 14 16i6 ; Samuel, b. No>'. 1, 1649 ; Nath'l 

b. Mar. 10, 1632, d. (of wounds) Aug. 11, '91; Ezekiel, b. Sept. 16, 1654; Sarah, b. Nov. 4, 1657. 

He died July 27, '93. She died Feb. 10, '94. 

t The "more or less " refers to the rule adopted by the town of making up in quantity what might be 
lacking in the quality of any lot. 


meadow was at least eigtt miles in the opposite direction. Pond meadow 
was two miles northeast ; Hawkes' meadow some three miles west ; Prim- 
rose swamp two miles northwest ; and mistake meadow somewhere in the 
westerly part of the town. 

When we reflect that in those days "highways " were at best but prim- 
itive cart paths, through the woods, with stumps still standing, hills 
ungraded, and streams unbridged ; and that the land was new, rough, and 
worked only by great labor, we may have a faint idea of some of the hard- 
ships of our first settlers. Had they not been men of iron nerve, tireless 
muscle, and indomitable energy and perseverance, our now beautiful town, 
with its unsurpassed mosaic of cultivated fields, green hills, smiling lakes, 
its majestic river, and murmuring streams, would still be but a waste and 
howling wilderness, the home of wild beasts, and the hunting ground of 
the miserable aboriginee. 

At a town meeting on the 13th of January, 1646, it was voted that the 
inhabitants should have liberty to make one hundred pipe staves, on the 
common, for every acre which his house-lot contained ; and " that they 
should fall no timber within two miles of any of the house lotts." If a 
person felled a tree within the prescribed limits, he was to pay five shil- 
lings, which was to be appropriated for the benefit of the town ; or, if he 
felled any more than was recjuired to make his proportion of staves, he was 
to pay the same sum. 

It is pleasant to observe the great respect, and even veneration, in which 
our fathers held their minister, or as they more frequently called him, 
their Teacher. It not only speaks well for the Christian virtues of the 
man, but for the sturdy moral character of his people. An early manifes- 
tation of their regard for Mr. Ward is found in the following vote of 
October 29, 1646: — 

" Voted by all the freeholders then present at a lawful town meeting, 
that Mr Ward our Teacher's laud shall be rate free for his ministry dur- 
ing his life, if he continue minister to the plantation, provided he use it 
himself, but if he sell, let, or set any of it to hire, it shall pay rates pro- 
portionable with our own : And that forty pounds p. an. shall be paid him 
by the remainder of the 300 acres'- for his ministry," 

At this meeting the first selectmen were chosen ; they were Thomas 
Hale, Henry Paimer, Thomas Davis, James Davis and William White. 

In looking over the records of this early date, we find that Goodman 
was a common appellation among the men, excepting when they addressed 

" That is, the three hundred acres previously laid out for house lots. 


their minister, magistrate, or a militia officer above the grade of Lieuten- 
ant ; to such they applied the title of Mister. Goodwife, or Goody, were 
terms applied to women, excepting when addressing the wives of those 
above mentioned, whom they called JSladam. Mrs. was placed before 
names of both married and unmarried women, when it was written, — 
which was not so frecj[uent as at present. 

Hugh Sherratt was this year licensed by the General Court '* to draw 
wyne by retaill at Haverhill, paying tenn shillings p ann rent therefore to 

In order to avoid all cause of complaint on account of unequal rates of 
taxation in the several towns, the G-eneral Court, at the November session 
of this year (16-i6), adopted the following schedule of rates: — 

" Cowes of four year ould and upward, 5£ ; heifers and steers betwixt 
3 and 4 year old, 4£ ; heifers and steers betwixt 2 and 3 year ould, fifty 
shillings ; and between 1 and 2 year old 30s ; oxen 4 year old and up- 
ward, 6£ ; horses and mares 4 year old and upward, 7£ ; 3 year ould 5£ ; 
betwixt 2 and 3 year ould, 3£ ; yearlins 2£ : sheope above a year ould, 
20s ; asses above a year ould, 2£," 

Houses, lands, and all other visible estate, real or personal, was to be 
valued according to what they were worth in the several places where they 
were, proportionable to the above prices for cattle, &c. Hay and corn 
growing were not to be rated. Towns were required to choose one of their 
freemen, who, with the selectmen, should yearly make a true valuation of 
all such ratable property in their several limits. This was the origin of 
" assessors " as town officers, f 

Attending town meetings was evidently considered by our ancestors as 
a duty each voter owed to the community in which he lived, and for the 
neglect of which he deserved punishment. They even considered tardi- 
ness in attending as meriting rebuke, as we find by the record of February 
13, 1647, that John Ayer, sen., and James Fiske were fined " for not at- 
tending the town meeting in season." 

■"■ Col. Rec. 3—109. 

t Choosing Selectmen is of earlier date. In 1636 the General Court enacted, that " every particular 
township should have power over its own affairs, and to settle mulcts upon any offender, upon any public 
order, not exceeding twenty shillings, and liberty to choose prudential men, not exceeding seven, to order 
the affiiirs of the town." 

These men were at first called "the seven men," then "towne's men," then "towne's men select," and 
finally " select men." Says the Rev. Richard Brown, in his diary, " they were chosen from quarter to 
quarter by papers to discharge the business of the town, in taking in, or refusing any to come, into town, 
as also to dispose of lands and lots, to make lawful orders, to impose fines on the breakers of orders, and 
also to levy and distrain them, and were fully empowered of themselves to do what the town had power 
for to do. The reason whereof was, the town judged it inconvenient and burdensome to be all called to- 
gether on every occasion." 


From the following entry in the records of the General Court, May, 
1647, it appears that the justices, or commissioners, of the Court of the 
Writs, or courts to try " small causes," were chosen by the several towns, 
subject to the approval of the General Court : 

" The town of Haverell having chosen Kobert Clements, Henry Palmer, 
and Thorn: Hale to end small causes, they are alowcd." 

At the same court John Osgood (Andover) and Thorn: Hale were ap- 
pointed to "lay out the way from Andiver to Haverell; and James 
Davis, jun., and Antho: Staniell from Haverhill to Excetter. " They also 
appointed "a committee to view ye ryver, and make returne to ye Courte 
of ye necessity and charge of a bridge," 

The river above referred to was doubtless the Merrimack. Though the 
committee were instructed to report to the next session of the Court, we 
cannot find that they did so, or that any report was ever made upon the 
matter. A bridge was not built at Haverhill until nearly a century and a 
half afterward." 

The inhabitants this year petitioned the General Court for a tract of 
land to enlarge the town. The following is the answer of the Court, which 
was holden at Boston, 27th October: — "In answer to the petition of 
Haverhill, ye Courte concieving such vast grants to be greatly prejudicial 
to ye publick good, and little if at all advantageous to particular townships, 
apprehending 4 miles square, or such a proportion, will accommodate a 
sufficient tract of land ; in such a case thinke meete a Committee be chosen 
to view the place and returne their apprehensions to ye next General 
Courte, to which end, with the petitioners consent, they have nominated 
Mr. Dummer, Mr. Carlton, John Osgood, and Ensign Howlet, or any two 
of them, provided Ensign Howlet be one to do it."f 

At the same court it was ordered that every township in the jurisdic- 
tion numbering " fifty householders, shall then forthwith appoint one 
within their towne to teach all such children as shall resort to him to 
write and reade, whose wages shall be paid either by ye parents or masters 
of such children, or by ye inhabitants in general, by way of supply, as ye 
major part of those that order ye prudentials of ye towne shall appoint ; 
provided those yt send their children be not oppressed by paying much 
more yn they can have ym taught for in other towns ; and it is further 
ordered, yt where any towne shall increase to ye number of 100 families 
or householders, they shall set up a grammar school, ye mr thereof being 

o 1794. 

t Kiehiird Dummer, of Newbury; Edward Caileton, of Rowley; Jolrn Osgood, of Andover: and 
Ensign Howlet, of Ipswich. 


able to instl:^ct youth so fair as they may be fitted for ye university, pro- 
vided, yt if any towne neglect ye performance hereof above one yeare, yt 
every such towne shall pay 5£ to ye next schooll till they shall perform 
this order." 

This order of the General Court was the beginning of our now world- 
renowned system of common schools. Haverhill did not at that time con- 
tain the specified number of householders, and was consequently exempt 
from the requirement. We do not find that a school was commenced here 
until fourteen years afterward, and for many years subsequent to that time 
a teacher was not regularly employed, according to law. 

At the same court town marks were assigned to each town, for marking 
cattle, &c. That of Haverhill was the letter H, which was to be put 
upon the near quarter. 

The following order was also passed: "Ye court being informed that 
the soldiers of Haverhill are destitute of any officer to exercise them, it 
is therefore ordered by this court, that all ye inhabitants, who have a right 
to vote in ye election of officers, to meet and choose some meet person for 
the place of Sergeant to exercise them." 

This is the first notice we find of a military company in this town, 
though a company, or "trainband," was doubtless organized soon after 
the first settlement of the town, — the laws of the Colony requiring such a 
company in every town. As early as 1G31, such companies were obliged 
to train every Saturday. Not only were the able-bodied men required to 
take part in this duty and exercise, but, by a law of 1645, all youth from 
ten to sixteen years of age, were ordered to be "instructed upon ye usual 
training days, in ye exercise of armes, as small guns, halfe pikes, bowes 
and arrowes, &c." Soldiers were obliged to furnish their own arms, for 
which they were allowed to exchange produce in lieu of money. If any 
under thirty years of age were destitute of means to purchase, they could 
be bound to service to earn and pay for the same The constant danger of 
attacks and surprises from the Indians, compelled the Colony to adopt 
these vigorous measures, and provide every possible means for their defence. 
Every town had its train-band, and its arrangements and signals for alarms, 
rendevous, and organization in case of sudden attack ; watches and scouts, 
were almost constantly employed ; and so imminent was the danger, that the 
inhabitants never ventured to church without their arms. The men were 
the last to enter the church, and the first to come out after service, and always 
occupied seats nearest the door or aisles, that they might the more readily 
repulse an attack. This was the origin of the present almost universal 
New England custom of allowing the wives and daughters that part of the 


pew farthest from the entrance, and their remaining after service until 
the fathers and sons have first retired. The custom is, however, slowly 
becoming obsolete. 

At this early period there was no bell in town to call the people together, . 
and, as a substitute, the town voted that " Eichard Littlehale should beat 
the drum on the Lord's day morning and evening, and on lecture days, 
for which, and also for writing public orders, he is to have 30 shillings ; 
he is also to beat the drum for town meetings." 

This year the settlement began to extend northward. Grants of land 
were made to Henry Palmer and others, in the plain north of the Pond- 
meadow. A few houses had been built near the spot where Stevens' fac- 
tory now stands ; and G-eorge Corliss had erected a log house on his farm 
farther west, 

Thomas Whittier, of Newbury, came into town about this time, "and 
brought a swarm of bees, which were probably the first in the place. They 
were willed to him by Henry Eolfe, of Newbury, who calls them "his best 
swarm of bees." At that time they were no mean legacy, and their arri- 
val was doubtless the " town talk." 

Job Clement was this year (-January 30, 1647) made a freeman at the 
Ipswich Court, and sworn constable for Haverhill. He seems to have 
been the first constable in the town. 

Up to this time the town had no house for public worship. Tradition 
says that on pleasant Sabbaths they assembled beneath the branches of a 
large tree that stood near the burial ground, and at other times they doubt- 
less assembled in private houses. The population had now become so 
numerous that it was decided to build a house for worship, and at the 
March meeting, 1648, it was " voted that the Meeting House shall stand 
on the lower knowle at the lower end of the Mill Lot." 

What was then called the Mill Lot, was the ground now occupied by 
Pentucket and Linwood cemeteries. The house was erected and finished 
in the following autumn. It was twenty-six feet in length, twenty feet 
_^^^-^22-^^ wide, and one story in height. It had neither 
gallery nor cupola. It stood facing the river, 
upon the slight elevation or knoll, about midway 
between the south and the north bounds of Pen- 
tucket Cemetery. It was underpinned with rough 
stones, and several persons now living can remember of seeing the ruins of 
the foundation. Mr. Eobert Willis informs us, that, in his early years, 
he could distinctly trace the size and position of the building by these 
foundation stones. 



At the September Court, 1647, the town was presented for not having 
a ferry, and at the next March term it was " enjojned to provide a boat 
for the convenience of passengers " within a reasonable time, " under a 
•penalty of 40s and fees." The town immediately appointed Thomas Hale 
to keep the ferr}^ The price for ferrying was fixed at " one penny for a 
passenger, two pence for cattel under two years old, and four pence for 
such as were over that age." The ferry was established at the place still 
called the " old ferry-way," a little east of the foot of Kent Street. The 
inhabitants had from the first passed over the river at this place, but no 
regular ferryman was appointed until this year. 

At the town meeting March 3d, 1648, it was " voted that all men shall 
have liberty to fell, or to let stand, any tree or trees which staudeth at the 
end of his lot, next the street or great river : and if any man shall fell 
any such tree unto whom it doth not belong, he shall pay for every tree 
five shillings, to be paid unto him at the end of whose lot it did gTow." 

"What is now Water Street, was the first highway laid out. It was laid 
out on the bank of the river, and the lots were bounded on the south by 
the highway. The above vote allowed the owners of lots to fell any trees 
that stood at the end of their lots ; ^. e., any trees In this highway opposite 
to their lots. Some years subsequently, the owners of these lots were 
permitted, during the pleasure of the town, to make use of the river as a 
fence to the end of their several lots. In the original grants, these lots 
were bounded " on the highway and the great river," or to the river, " the 
highway excepted." We find no grants of land on the south side of this 
street until long after this time, and therefore believe that our ancestors 
did not intend it should be built upon. Eobert Clement was this year 
chosen Deputy to the General Court at Boston, and was the first one sent 
from the town. 

From the I'ecords of Jan. 7, 1649, we learn that ihere had been com- 
plaint made by some that had had land out in the plain (between the 
village and chain ferry), that it was " not fit for improvement." The 
town therefore gave them liberty to "lay it down," and take up in some 
other place. 

At the meeting of February 18, "Thomas Hale was chosen Constable 
by the Freemen." This is the first constable mentioned in the town 
records, though, as we have seen, Job Clement was sworn into that ofiice in 
1647, at the Ipswich Court. Hale was probably the first one chosen by 
the town. 

At the meeting of April 16, " it was acknowledged by John Robinson 
that Daniel Lad had bouo-ht six acres of accommodations of him, which 


the town granted him. Approved on Iby the Selectmen." From this vote 
we learn, that at that time a settler could not sell the land which the 
town had granted him, without its consent. 

The town was this year ordered by the General Court to erect a watch- 
house, a pound, and stocks, immediately. We can find no vote in the 
Town Kecords relating to the stocks, or whipping post ; but that such 
means of punishment were erected, and often made use of, is a fact, as 
persons now living can testify. They stood at the east end of the old 
meeting house on the common, about ten rods north of the present south- 
ern entrance to the park, on the easterly side. The whipping post is de- 
scribed to us as being from twelve to fifteen inches in diameter, and set in 
the ground at an angle of about forty-five degrees. Upon the upper side 
of this post the culprit was tied, and the lashes applied with a " cat," of 
stout leather thongs. Mrs. Stebbins, now 82 years old, distinctly remem- 
bers witnessing the whipping of a man who broke into the store of Mr. 
Duncan, about the year 1784. His groans and cries made a deep im- 
pression upon her mind. She thinks it must have been about the last 
case of public whipping in the town. Moses Wingate, Esq., now 91 
years old, but hale and lively, remembers the whipping of a man, by 
Sheriff David Bradley. After it was over, the culprit coolly offered to 
■ "take as many more for a half-pint of rum." We do not learn that the 
offer was accepted. 

The stocks stood near the whipping post, the latter forming one end of 
the former. 

This year, that part of Eowley called Mei-rimack, was settled by John 
and Eobert Haseltine, and William Wild. It was incorporated by the 
name of Bradford, in 1673. What is now Boxford, was then called 
"Eowley village. "■■' 

An effort was made this year to induce Job Clement to remove to New- 
bury. The town of Newbury granted him a freehold " conditionally yt 
he live with us heere in Newbury exercising his trade four years, or as 
long as he shall live within that tearme, and also let the shoemakers of 
this town have the first proffer on the forsaking of his leather, making him 
as good pay as others." Job concluded to stay in Haverhill, notwith- 
standing the liberal offer. 

• A few years since Bradford was divided, the easterly portion taking the name of Groveland. 



1650 TO 1659. 

The year 1650, tlie tenth after the first blow had been struck in the 
wilds of Pentucket, found the settlers well established in their new home. 
Their numbers had increased more than five-fold, and included men of 
character, wealth, and influence. They had their cattle, and horses, their 
meadows and cultivated fields, their mills and mechanics, their houses, 
their church, their minister, their town organization, and, in brief, were 
now fairly settled and prosperous. 

About this time two orchards were planted, one by John Clement, and 
the other by Stephen Kent. As near as can be ascertained, the former 
was situated a little north of the Cemetery, probably under the shelter of 
the adjacent hill ; and the latter near the house where the late Samuel W. 
Ayer lived. 

The necessity of definite bounds between the town and its neighbor, 
Salisbury, induced the inhabitants to prefer a request to the General Court, 
at Boston, to that efi'ect, and the Court appointed a commission for the 
settlement of the same.--' 

At the same session, Henry Palmer, Thomas Davis, and Job Clements, 
were appointed to " end small causes" in the town, and at the next ses- 
sion (May 22) Eobert Clements was appointed and empowered to give the 
oath of fidelity in the town. Both these appointments were made at 
the request of the town.f A petition was also presented to the Court by 
the inhabitants, for " the graunt of an iland lying in the Eieur Meri- 
macke agaynst some parte of theire towne, contayning about 20 or 30 
acors." In answer to the petition, the Court ordered " that theire request 
be graunted for the sajd iland, vnless Mr Ward or any other shall make 
any cleare title from this Court, to appear vnto this Court within three 
years, to the sayd iland." 

Among the votes of the town this year is one requiring that the name of 
every freeholder should be kept in the town's book, and that he be compelled 
to attend town meetings, when lawfully warned: — " and having lawful 
warning he is to come within half an hour after the meeting is begun, and 
continue till sunset if the meeting hold so long, under the penalty of halfe 
a bushel of Indian corn or the value of it." 

• Col. Eec, 3,-196—4:, 6, 19. t Ibid. 


Considerable land was this year granted to individuals west of Little 
Biver, on the Merrimack ; and Hugh Sherratt, Bartholomew Heath, James 
Fiske, and John Chenaric, had liberty to lay down their land in the plain, 
" and have it laid out over Little Eiver, westward." AVe are unable to 
account for the frequent taking up and laying down of land about this 
time, except upon the ground of mere fancy, or notion ; as, about the same 
time that the above named persons made the change referred to, Joseph 
Peasley had leave to lay down his land over Little Eiver, and take up in 
the plain, and Samuel Gild also made choice of land at that place. 

John Hoitt, a brick maker, removed from Ipswich to Haverhill some 
time during this year, the town granting him three fourths of an acre of 
land, and the "clay pitts," on condition that he become an inhabitant 
of the town. The clay pits alluded to, are situated in the West Parish, 
near the late Ephraim Corliss's, and are still known by that name. It 
would seem that the pits were already dug, and perhaps bricks made, when 
Hoitt came, but by whom cannot now be ascertained. Many of the bricks 
used in building the first houses in Massachusetts, were brought from 
Holland, and we need not wonder that the town shoidd consider the settle- 
ment of a brick-maker worth a strong effort. 

In one of the land grants of this year we find mention of a " wigwam" 
in the town. It is also mentioned in 1660 and 1685. These are the only 
mentions or hints of the Indians, or of anything belonging to or done by them, 
that we can find in the early records of the town, save an " Indian wire " in 
Fishing Eiver (1664-) and the "Indian Bridge" over Spicket Eiver. '■■= 
The wigwam was an old and dilapidated affair, as in one of the places 
stated, it is spoken of as the " old wigwam that is, or was," in or near a 
certain swamp. It was located in the west part of the town, " at the 
lower end of the far west meadow." 

The first mention we find of an ox-common, is in a vote of January 13, 
of this year, which declares that " the ox-common already appointed shall 
for the present be continued." About this time a dispute arose between 
the inhabitants of Haverhill and Salisbury, in relation to the bounds 
between the two towns. The latter (which then included what is now 
Amesbury) claimed more land than the former were willing to allow ; and, 
at a meeting in December, 1650, a committee was chosen to meet a similar 
committee on the part of Salisbury, and endeavor to agree upon the 
matter in dispute. The following is the vote: — "Voted, That Thomas 
Hale, John Clement, and John Davis, should meet with Salisbury men to 

^ There is an allusion in the records of the General Court, of 1662, to "Old Wills planting ground," 
which must have been near the mouth of Spicket River, and on the east side of it. Old Will was probably 
one of the Wameset Indians, whose principal settlement was then near the mouth of the Concord River. 



consult with them concerning the bounds between them and us : and the 
town doth hereby give them power to agree with them if they can, and to 
lay out the bounds between us." 

This year there were forty-three freemen in town, nineteen of whom had 
taken the oath of fidelity. The following table contains the names found 
in the reeorc^s of 1650 and previously, with the year in which the name 
first appears : and also the valuation of each man's property, according to 
the vote of November 6, 1G43. Neither the date or valuation should, 
however, be considered as more than an approximation to the truth : — 

1641 John Favor,- 


Thomas Davis, 


'♦ John Eobinson, 


Thomas Davis, 


1642 John Ward,! 

£ 80 


James Fisk, 

" Tristram Coffin, 


AVilliam Butler, 

'• Hugh Sherratt, 



Bartholomew Heath. 


" William White, 



Samuel Gile, 


" Thomas Davis, 


Thomas Linforth, 

" John AYilliams, 



John Eaton, 


1643 Abraham Tyler, 



Thomas Whittier, 


" Eichard Littlehale, 



George Goldwin 

1644 Henry Savage, 


Goodman Moice & 3 Sons, 

" Job Clement, 


Abraham Morrill, 

1645 Christopher Hussie, 


Christopher Lawson, 

" Daniel Hendrick, 



Eichard Ormsby, 


*♦ Henry Palmer, 



Wm. Holdridge, 

" George Corliss, 


Eobert Ayer, 


1646 Thomas Hale, 


John Ayer jun. 


" James Davis, 



Thomas Ayer, 

»' John Ayer, 



John Chenarie, 

" Daniel Lad, 

£ 40 


George Browne, 


" Joseph Peasley, 


John Hoit, 

" John Davis, 


Goodman Hale. 

The following table contains the valuation of those to whom house lots 
were laid out at various times, but whose names do not appear previous 
to 1650: — 

Eobert Clement, Sen, 

£ 50 

Thomas Eaton, 

£ 40 

John Clement, 


Edward Clarke, 


Matthias Button, 


Eobert Swan, 


Steven Kent, 


John Hascltine, 


James Davis Jr, 


John Johnson, 


Peter Ayer, 


John Carleton, 


Eichard Singletary, 


Joseph Johnson, 


John Huckins, 


John Page jun, 


* Names .against which no amount is placed, are those of persons for whom we can find no record of a 
house lot being laid out. Some of them, if not all, probabh' purch:ised the right of others to lands. 

t We do not know whether these pounds were the English pounds sterling (sixteen ounces of silver) or 
the pound of Troy weight, (sixty-two shillings) but presume they were the latter. If so, each pound was 
equivalent to $5.33. 


Among the early settlers, were four brothers by the name of Ayer, John, 
Bobert, Thomas, and Peter. The former settled near the house of the late 
Capt. John Ayer, 2d, who was the sixth generation who lived on the same 
spot. The latter settled in the northwesterly part of the town, in the 
West Parish. Their descendants are very numerous, and are scattered 
throughout nearly every State in the Union. In 1700, it was supposed 
that nearly one third of the inhabitants of the town were of that name. 
They were mostly farmers.'"' 

At a meeting of the town January 1, 1(551, "It was agreed upon that 
such as have land in the plain or below the plain, butting upon the great 
river, should have liberty to make use of the bank next the river for a 
fence for the space of four years : and also such as have land over the 
little river, west, shall have the same liberty so far as Thomas Hale's lot. 

The plain here alluded to, was the one east of the village. Under date 
of January 12, 1651, we find the following: — - "It was this day ordered 
that the ox-common which was formerly an ox-common, shall be for the 
use of them who live upon the east side of the mill brook, and for as many 
as will join with them." 

" Ordered that they that live upon the west side of the mill brook, shall 
have liberty to have an ox-common westward for them, and as many as 
will join with them, which common is to be laid out in a convenient place, 
as shall be jixdged meet by the major part of the town. 

That the town were anxious to have their numbers increased may be 
judged from the following vote of the same year: — " It was this day 
agreed that James Pecker should be an inhabitant with us, and that he 
shall have a four acre lot with accommodations proportionable to it, which 
lot is to be bought of Bartholomew Heath for eight pounds. James Pecker 
doth promise to come and be an inhabitant with us by June 1653." We 

* The following notes, taken from the Essex County Records and papers, will doubtless he of interest 
to the many persons of that name in the town : — 1036. John Ayer, or Eyer, of Haverhill, made a will 
March 12, 1656-7, He died March 31, 1657, and his will was proved October 6th of the same year. His 
children were John, Nathaniel, H.annah. Rebeca, Mary, Robert, Thomas, Obadiah and Peter. He left a 
wife, named Hannah. 1668. Mary Ayers, aged 34 ; and Samuel Ayers, aged 45. 1671. Inventory taken 
of the estate of Benjamin Ayers. 1672. John Ayer, late of Ipswich, was now of Quaboag. (There was a 
John Ayres in Ipswich as early as 1648.) 1679. John Ayer, or Eyer, late of Haverhill, now of Ipswich. 
Had a wife Mary. 1693. Samuel Ayers, aged 43 years, 1704. Jonathan Ayer, aged 63 years. 1711 . 
Robert Ayres, of Haverhill, aged 86 years. 

In 1734, Major Ebenezer Ayer, of Haverhill, married Hannah, widow of James Scammon, of Saco, Me;, 
where he continued to reside. He had several children. — Vide Hist. Saco and Biddeford, p. 268. 

For the names of many others of this numerous family, see the Appendix to this volume, 



presume that Pecker accepted the town's oflFer, as he came here soon after 
and continued to reside here until his death, in 1696/'' 

At the May session of the Greneral Court, on petition of the inhabitants 
of Haverhill, a new committee was appointed to lay out the bounds of the 
town. Joseph Jewett was chairman of the committee. At a meeting of 
May 30th, the town voted "that Mr Clement, Jno Davis, Tho AVhittier, 
and John Eobinson shall go with Joseph Jewett about the laying out of 
the bounds of the plantation." 

It seems that the town committees chosen the previous year, had been 
unable to agree upon the bounds, and the commissioners appointed by the 
Greneral Court at that time had done nothing ; therefore, that body ap- 
pointed a new committee, who attended to the duty, and reported at the 
next October Court. Their report was approved. 

The only clue we have to the bounds thus confirmed, is contained in 
the following record of the General Court : — " This Courte haveinge for- 
merly graunted fower miles square for the boundes of Haverill, or such a 
tract of land, and did appoynt Joseph Jewett, John Haseltiue, Kobert 
Haseltine, and William Wilder, or any two of them, to lay out theire said 
boundes, which Joseph Jewett and William Wilder haveinge done accord- 
inge to the Courtes graunt, this Court (at the request of the inhabitants 
of Haverill) doth confirme theire said boundes, as they are now layd out 
by the persons above mentioned."! 

We regret that a more definite account of this first laying out of our 
town cannot now be found. It will be seen, however, (unless we empha- 
sise the phrase " or such a tract of land") that it allowed a much less 
area than was covered by the Indian deed ; and we wonder that the inhab- 
itants should so readily request the General Court to confirm the bounds 

It was voted this year by the town, " that all the meadows shall be laid 
out by the 12th of June next, to each man his proportion according to his 
house lot." At the same meeting it was " Ordered that Hugh Sherratt, 
Theophilus Satchwell,Bart Heath, James Fiske, and Daniel Ladd, shall view 
the upland that is fit to plough, by the last of March or the tenth of April 

« The only children of his recorded, are Mary, b. Sept. 5, 1652; Susanna, b. Dec. 17, 1654; A Dangh' 
ter, b. Jan. 25, 1664, and d. Feb. 10, 1664. Some of their descendants are still to be found in the town, 
though their number is sm^U. 

One John Pecker kept tavern in this town for many years, and was succeeded at his death, in 1757, by 
his widow. About 1760, the same tavern was kept by Matthew Soley for a short time, when it fell into 
the hands of Jeremiah Pecker. Bartholomew Pecker, a native of Haverhill, was one of Washington's 
"Life Guards." "Pecker's Hill," and " Pecker Street," will long perpetuate this name in the town, 

t Col. Rec, 3—246. 


next, and that they bring in their intelligence to the town by that time." 
It was also ordered "that all the undivided laud, after all the meadows 
and second division of plough land is laid out, shall remain to the. same 
inhabitants the proprietors of the three hundred and six acres, to every one 
according to honest and true meaning, all commons remaining in general 
to them." 

This last vote, it will be seen, plainly and unequivocally declares who 
were the proprietors of the common or undivided lands in the town, " ac- 
cording to honest and true meaning." They were the original purchasers, 
or grantees, of the township. Years afterward, when the number of in- 
habitants had greatly increased, the question of proprietorship in the 
undivided lands became a troublesome one, and for a long period was a 
prominent " apple of discord " in the town. Frequent disputes occurred 
between the " commonors " and the "non-commonors," which sometimes 
led to bloody noses and shaded eyes. The commoners held meetings by 
themselves for many years, and there are three large books of about two 
hundred and sixty pages each, nearly filled with their proceedings. 

In the fall of this year, George Brown and Daniel Hendrick were ap- 
pointed to lay out the highway between this town and Salisbury ; and 
Theophilus Shatswell was appointed to join the men from Eowley, and lay 
out a road between that town and this. This road was approved of by the 
Court at Ipswich, in 1686. 

Up to this time, the town were destitute of a saw mill, and were com- 
pelled to hew all the boards and planks used for building ; unless, as is 
quite probable, these were brought from Newbury. In either case, the 
expense and inconvenience was very great, and attention was early directed 
to the establishment of a saw mill in this town, where both timber and 
water-power were abundant. 

The following votes fully reveal how important this matter was consid- 
ered by the inhabitants, and how anxious they were to have a mill of the 
kind erected: Dec. 1, 1651. " Voted and agreed upon by the inhabitants, 
that there should be a saw-mill set up by Isaac Cousins, and such others of 
this town as shall join with him : The town and they agreeing upon terms, 
viz. : That they shall not make use of any timber within three miles of 
the meeting house : liem. That all timber without the compass of three 
miles from the meeting house should be free for the use of the sawmill : 
they paying the twelfth hundred to the use of the town in general. Item. 
That the town for their use shall have boards and planks at three shillings 
per hundred for such pay as is merchantable. The town also reserving to 
themselves a liberty to make use of what timber they stand in need of, 
though it be without the three miles compass from the Meeting House," 


Dec. 15, 1651. " Granted by the major part of the inhabitants, that 
Isaac Cousins shall have a sixth part of a saw mill or mills : and that 
Mr. Clement,-' Job Clement, Stej^hen Kent, William White, and Theophi- 
los Satchwell shall join with him, together with any others that they shall 
agree with. Provided that Mr. Coffin f have liberty to have a sixth part of 
it, if he come to be an inhabitant in this town. This mill is to be set up 
upon the river, called Thomas Hale's river : "| " They are to make use of 
no timber that is within three miles of the meeting house ; except it be 
pines or hemlock : They are to pay to the use of the town every twelfth 
hundred : The inhabitants are to have what boards and planks they stand 
in need of, for their use for building and flooring at three shillings per 
hundred, in merchantable pay : This mill is to be set up by April fifty 
and three : They have liberty also if they see fit, to set up a second mill 
by April, fifty and four : If they set them not up by these times above 
mentioned, then this grant is to be disannulled : They have liberty to 
make use of any timber that is without the three miles compass from the 
meeting house : Also the town hath liberty to make use of any timber 
that is without the three miles compass for building or fenceing, or what 
else soever : The proprietors have power, if they see cause, to remove one 
or both of these mills up, or down the river." 

Dec. 16, 1651. " Voted and Gfranted by the inhabitants that there 
shall no saw mill be setup whilst these forementioned sawmills are going." 

At the same meeting a committee was chosen to lay out ground for the 
use of the saw mill, "for a Pen," which was to be " returned to the town 
when the saw mills are done." " A six acre house lot, with all accommo- 
dations proportionable," was granted to the above mentioned Isaac Cousins, 
" provided he live in the town five years following his trade of a Smith.'' 

Cousins did not, however, fulfil the conditions of the grant, and in 
1653, the town voted to give the land to John Webster, upon similar con- 
ditions. Cousins was the first blacksmith in the town. 

About this time the road now known as Mill Street was laid out ; and 
for more than a century it was "the great road" which led into the 

The second division of plough-land was laid out on the 7 th of June, 
1652. The proportion was four acres to one acre of house lot. This 
division commenced at the head of Pond Meadow, and extended north, 
east, and west. Forty-one persons received a share in the division. The 
lot-layers who laid it out, received the sum of two pence an acre for their 
services, or ten shillings each. Not a very extravagant sum, surely. 

• Robert Clement. t Peter Coffin, of Exeter. X Little River. 



Following are the names of those who received a share in this division: 
" The lots or draughts for the second division of plough-land, with the 
number of each man's accommodation : — 

1 — John Davis, 

2 — James Fiske, 

3 — Matthias Button, 

4 — ^Bartholomew Heath, 

5 — Abraham Tyler, 

6 — John Ayer, sen., 

7 — Henry Palmer, 

8 — Edward Clarke, 

9 — Robert Clement, 
10— Hugh Sherratt, 
11 — John AVoodin, 
12— Thomas Perry, 
13 — Thomas Whittier, 
14 — Stephen Kent, 
15 — Joseph Peasley, 
16 — John Ayer, jun., 
17 — Thomas Linforth, 
18 — Eichard Littlehale, 
19 — Isaac Cousins, 
20 — William White, 
21 — John Eaton, 

In the above division each man had "his proportion either in the quality 
or quantity of his lot, according to the discretion of the lot layers." 

-At the September meeting of the same year, the town voted Mr. Ward, 
their " Teacher," a salary of fifty pounds. This sum, though a mere pit- 
tance, when compared with modern salaries, was really a very liberal salary 
for those times, and shows the strong attachment of the inhabitants to 
their pastor, and their readiness to give him an adequate support. 

The following liberal vote was also passed at the same meeting : — 

" Voted that if any one or more shall be disenabled from paying his pro- 
portion, that then the rest of the inhabitants shall pay it for him or them 
to Mr. Ward." The town evidently intended that fifty pounds should 
viean fifty pounds. 

Whether the town had become dissatisfied with the drum or the drummer, 
does not appear, but it seems that instead of having Eichard Littlehale 



6 22— Daniel Hendrick, 

4 23— Thomas Davis, 


6 24 — Eichard Ormsbie, 


25 — Eobert Ayer, 


4 26 — Henry Savage, 


8 27 — George Browne, 


9 28 — William Holdridge, 


4 29— Mr John Ward, 


6 30— George Corlis, 


12 31— Theophilus Satchwell, 


4 32— John Williams, 


5 33 — John Chenarie, 


7-^ 34 — James Pecker, 


22i- 35— Thomas Ayers, 


12 36— Samuel Gild, 


8 37— Daniel Ladd, 


6 38 — James Davis, jun., 


4 39 — Job Clement, 


8J 40— John Clement, 


7 41 — James Davis, sen., 




beat his drum to call the people together, it was voted " that Abraham 
Tyler shall bloio his horn in the most convenient place every lord's day 
about half an hour before the meeting begins, and also on lecture days ; 
for which he is to have one peck of corn of every family for the year 

The tooting of Abraham's horn did not, however, come up to their ex- 
pectations, for the next year the town fell back upon first principles, and 
ordered Edward Clark to beat the drum on the " Lord's days and lecture 
days." Perhaps the tone of Abraham's horn was not sufficiently musical, 
or, more likely, Abraham was not a skilful player upon that ancient in- 
strument. But as to whichever it might have been, we are left entirely 
free to conjecture, as the records maintain the most dignified silence upon 
the subject. 

The Greneral Court this year changed the time for town elections from 
^November to March of each year, and the latter month has, with the ex- 
ception of a single period, continued to be the month of the annual town 
meetings down to the present time. 

The County Court at Hampton, this year, fined Stephen Kent, of Haver- 
hill, £10 "for suffering five Indeans to be druncke in his house, and one 
of them wounded." He was also to pay for the cure of the wounded 
Indian. Stephen evidently considered the penalty too severe, and declined 
to pay it ; and the town petitioned the General Court upon the subject. 
The Court thereupon ordered " that Stephen Kent within one month shall 
pay the said tenne pounds to the selectmen of Hauerill, wlio shall there- 
with satisfy for the cure of the Indeau." Even this did not satisfy Stephen, 
and he petitioned to have his fine reduced, but the Court was inexorable. 
Doubtless Stephen was careful afterward not to have any drunken " red 
skins " about his premises. 

Among the list of donations this year to Harvard College is £\ 7s from 
this town. 

A prison was this year built at Ipswich. It was the second in the 

A mint was about the same time established at Boston, for coining sil- 
ver; the pieces had the word Massachusetts, with a pine tree on one side, 
and the letters N. E. 1652, and III, VI, or XII, denoting the number of 
pence, on the other. The same date (1652) was continued uj)on all the 
coin struck for thirty years afterward. Massachusetts was the only colony 
that ever presumed to coin metal into money. A very large sum was 
coined, and the mint-master made a large fortune out of the commission 
allowed him for coinin";. 


At a town meeting July 4, 1653, it was voted tliat " John Webster 
should enjoy that six acres of accommodation which was formerly granted 
unto Isaac Cousins, and is now returned into the Town's hands ; provided, 
that the said John Webster live here five years from the last of March 
next, following the trade of a blacksmith in doing the town's work, when 
they have occasion." Mr. Webster was the second blacksmith in town; 
he followed the trade, however, but four years, when he returned to New- 
bury. His brother, Stephen, a tailor, came into town soon after, from 
Newbury ; and is probably the ancestor of the Websters in this place. He 
was born in Ipswich, and moved with his mother, who married John Emery, 
sen., to Newbury. He had three brothers and four sisters. His brothers, 
John and Israel, remained in Newbury, and Nathan settled in Bradford. 
His mother, Mary, was a sister of Theophilus Shatswell ; John, his father, 
died in Ipswich, about 1642.='' The descendants of Stephen are very 
numerous ; they are found in almost every city and village in the Union. 

This year, the second division of meadow land was ordered to be laid 
out. There were forty-eight lots drawn. The names are the same as 
those given under date of 1652, except the following: — John Webster, 
Isaac Cousins, John Wooddin, 

The Island just below the village was also divided about the same time. 
The number of persons who drew lots in the division, was forty-five. The 
names, and the bounds of each man's lot, are given in the Commoners' 
book of Eecords, under date of 1727, which speaks of the plan as begun 
in 1653, and finished in the above year. 

A third division of upland, or ploughland, was also ordered to be laid 
out ; it was situated west and north of west meadow, in the West Parish. 

The wife of John Hutchins of this town was presented to the Court this 
year, for wearing a silk hood ; but, " upon testimony of her being brought 
up above the ordinary way was discharged." The wife of Joseph Swett 
was also presented at the same time and for the same offence, and was 
fined 10s. f 

It was a general custom of the inhabitants at this early period, to turn 
their flocks together into one pasture ; and we find that James George was, 
in 1 652, appointed herdsman of the town, His salary was twelve shillings 
and six pence per week, to be paid in Indian corn and butter. He was 

o Cofiin, Hist. Newbury. 

t Among the laws passed by the General Court in 1650, was one against " intolerable excess and brav- 
ery in dress." No person whose estate did not exceed £200 was permitted to wear any gold or silver lace 
or buttons, great boots, silk hoods, ribbons or scarfs, under a penalty of ten shillings. Swett was not, it 
seems, worth the £200; and his wife could not, therefore, be allowed the extravagance of a silk hood. 



" to keep ye heard faithfully as a heard ought to be kept ; if any be left 
on the Sabbath when ye towne worship, they who keepe are to goe ye next 
day, doing their best indeavore to find them." He was not permitted 
to turn his flock into the pasture on the Sabbath, until the " second beat- 
ing of ye drum." 

A lot of land not exceeding four-score acres, was the same year granted 
to the proprietors of the saw-mill, so long as they kept it in use. 

It was voted that hereafter the selectmen should "give in their account 
what they have received, and what they have disbursed." The voters 
evidently wished to know where their money went, in which laudable curi- 
osity they have a very few imitators at the present day. 

Among the note-worthy incidents of this year, may be men+ioned the 
case of Robert Pike, of Salisbury. The Court had prohibited Joseph 
Peasley and Thomas Macy, of Salisbury, from exhorting the people on the 
Sabbath, in the absence of a minister. Pike declared that " snch persons 
as did act in making that law, did break their oath to the country, for it 
is against the liberty of the country, both civil and ecclesiatical." For 
expressing himself in this manner, he was disfranchised by the General 
Court, and heavily fined. At the next May Court, a petition was pre- 
sented from a large number of the inhabitants of Hampton, Salisbury, 
Newbury, Haverhill, and Andover, praying that Pike's sentence might be 
revoked. '■= 

The Court was highly indignant that " so many persons should combine 
together to present such an unjust and unreasonable request," and ap- 
pointed a commission to call the petitioners together " and require a reason 
of their very unjust request." At the next November Court, orders were 
issued to summon sixteen of the petitioners to give bonds in the sum of 
ten pounds each to appear and answer for their ofi'ence before the County 
Court. None of the Haverhill signers were however included in the order. 
They had acknowledged their offence. Three years afterward, Pike " hum- 
bly desired the Court, his fine being paid, to release him from the other 
part of his sentence," which it was pleased to do. The whole case is an 

* The following are the names of the Haverhill signers, as copied ftora the original petition in the 
State Archives : — 

.Tames Davis 
Joseph Peasly Coffin 
Peter Coffin 
John Davis 
John Eaton 
Thomas Eaton 
Ro1)ei-t Clements 
Thomas Bel fore 
.Tohn Webstar 
G-eorge Bro\Tn 
Ephraim Davis 

Richard Littlehale 
John Heth 
Job CIenieut.3 
Abraham Tylar 
John Williams 
John Williams 
Thomas Davis 
Joh: Eyeres 
James ffiske 
Dan: Hendriek 
Stephen Kent 
Richard Singltary 
Henrv PalmT 

Robbert Eres 
George Corlis 
Bartholomew Heth 
Edw. Clarke 
James Davis Jr 
Tlicophilus Sachwell 
Tho: Whittier 
Tho: Dow 
Joseph Davis 
Peter Ayre 
Samuel Gild 
Robbert Swan 


instructive one, and throws much light on the public religious opinions of 
the times. 

At a town meeting, held February 9, 1654, liberty was granted to 
Stephen Kent to place a wear in Little Eiver, to catch alewives, or any 
other fish, if he would sell to the inhabitans of the town " what alewives^ 
they stood in need of." This is the first notice we have of these fisheries, 
which were afterward carried on to a considerable extent. 

At the May session of the General Court, a new petition was received 
from Haverhill, touching the bounds between that town and Salisbury, as 
a "great mistake" was made in the previous running of the line. The 
Court, after hearing both parties, appointed a committee to look into the 
matter thoroughly.. At the next Court the committee made their return, 
which, as a matter of curiosity as well as interest, we copy entire : — 
" September: 23: 1654. 

In obedense to the generall cortes order we haue vewed the line con- 
cluded by Salesberry and Hauerill to deuid the land betwene them : and we 
find that as it is expressed in the petission there was a gret mistake in the 
first Kuing of the line this we find accnolaged by both partes : for he that 
carred the compas at the first from the plase concluded one from meremack 
Eeuer a but one mile and a quarter tow a stompe of a pipestave tree : he 
said he had Eine nor west : which moued the men chose by Hauerill to 
yeld vnto Sallsberry one point more : but we haue gone nor west from the 
place one merremack Eeuer formerly concluded one : and we find that nor 
west Cometh a boue a quarter of a mile in going a mile a quarter nerrer 
to hauerell then the line first Eune so we find tljat nor west as according 
to the true vnderstanding of ther first agreemeint doth yeld vnto Salsberre : 
and if the line nor west and by west shold stand a gret part of the med- 
dowes lying one that quarter : wold be cut of from hauerrell to ther gret 
preludes and the not enoing of that mistak mad them yeld one point more 
we thinke if the plesuer of the Cort bee so : that it may bee well for this 
honerred cort to order that a nor west line may part the land be twext 
them (ouely this) if any of the meddowes laid out to any of Hauerrell 
shall be cut of from Hauerrell : by this line, that those meddows shall 

Eemane to hauerrell (or those men to home it is laid : fore euer 

youers in all dutefoll obedense 
further we thiuke meeete that Hen: Short 

Salsbury shall haue liberty oner Joseph. Jowett 

hauerill commons if the swamp John Stevens 

stop the way the sd way to be 
forty Eod broade 



The Deputyes accept, of the Eetume of those Comissionsrs appoynted 
to lay out the bounds herein exprest and desire the Consent of the honord 
magists herevnto. 

Consented to by ye magists. Edw: Eawson Secret. 24 Octob. 54." 

It seems, however, that even this did not permanently settle the vexed 
dispute. Both parties again became dissatisfied, and the matter continued 
to trouble the General Court until 16G7, when the Court finally disposed 
of it as follows : — 

" As a final issue of all differences between the two towns of Haverhill 
and Salisbury Newtown, = ■= in reference to their bounds, the Court having 
heard what all parties could say therein, judge meet to confirm the line 
which was run by the committee and the agreement of both towns, begin- 
ning at a tree near Holt's Eocks, near Merrimack river's side, and running 
up on the N W line, as they apprehended, to Brandy Brow, and from thence 
to Darby Hill, and so to a white pine about a mile further, marked H. S. 
and this is to be the dividing line between them." 

On the 31st of May, 1654, Thomas Dow died. He was the first adult 
that had died in the town since its settlement. Thirteen children had 
died previously, but no grown person.f 

Some additions were made to the ox-common this year, and the whole 
was ordered to be fenced. The town also voted " that all those that will 
join in the fencing of it, shall have a proportion in it according to the 
fence they make and maintain, provided that none shall keep more than 
four oxen in it." Thirty-four persons assisted to build the fence, and were 
entitled to keep ninety-twJ oxen within the enclosure. It was then voted 
that " the cattel that shall goe in the ox-comm.on this day granted, shall 
be only oxen, steers, and horses, and no other cattel." 

This ox-common was located on the south side of Kenoza Lake, and a 
part of it is still known by that name. Several other ox-commons were 
subsequently laid out in different parts of the town, but they were much 
smaller than the first. Some of them were only a few acres in extent 
being laid out for a single person, while others were intended for several 
persons. The one above mentioned, however, was the most extensive ox- 
common ever laid out in the town. 

At the December meeting of the town, a parcel of land, not exceeding 
four-score acres, was laid out to the saw-mill owners " to plant and im- 

" SalUbury Newtown (now Aracsbury) was settled in 1642, by order of the freemen of Salisbury, tha(^ 
" there shall thirty families remove to the west of Pow-wow River, to form a settlement." It was called 
Salisbury New Town until some tima after it was set off as a separate town, in 1654. 

t Previous to March 30, 1603, there were forty-seven deaths in town, forty of which were childreij. 


prove, so long as the sawmill shall go." The lot was on the west side of 
saw-mill rivev. The next June, eight acres were laid out on the further 
side of Fishing Eiver, " toward the sawmill," from which, and one or two 
other allusions, we conclude there was also a saw-mill on that stream at 
that time, or one about to be erected. 

In February, 1656, the town voted to cancel all grants and privileges, 
if the present saw-mill or some other, did not cut boards enough for the 
town by the next midsummer. But it seems that the saw-mill was not to 
be hurried, and the town in 1658 lost all their patience, and declared all 
former grants and privileges forfeited. At the same time Thomas Davis, 
(who was one of the principal owners of the old mill) John Hutchins, and 
Daniel Hendricks, were granted the privileges formerly allowed to the old 
saw-mill, if they put up a mill and supplied the town within twelve 
months. But even this did not prove sufficiently stimulating to those in- 
terested. No mill was erected, and the next year the town declared the 
privilege forfeited. 

Among the acts of the General Court this year, 1654, was one providing 
that ministers should be respectably maintained in the several towns ; and 
in case the latter neglected to do it, the county courts were empowered 
and directed to cause a regular tax to be assessed on the offending towns, 
for that purpose. 

A law was passed at the November Court, prohibiting all persons, ex- 
cept those specially lisenced, from selling " any Indian or Indians, either 
wine or strong liquors of any sort," under a penalty of 20s per pint, and 
in that proportion for all quantities, more or less. Henry Palmer of this 
town, and Roger Shaw of Hampton, were the only ones thus lisenced in 
the County of Norfolk. 

During the year 1655, some repairs were made on the meeting-house, as 
it appears by a town vote of March 3d, that " Thomas Davis shall have 
three pounds allowed him by the towne, for to ground-pin and dawb it ; 
provided that Thomas Davis provide the stones and clay for the underpin- 
ings ; the town being at their own expense to bring ye clay into place for 
ye plastering of ye walls up to the beams." Lime mortar had not yet 
come into common use. It was not until more than fifty years afterward 
that limestone was discovered in the Colony. It was first found in New- 
bury, in 1697, by ensign James Noyes, and occasioned a great excitement. 
For nearly a century after its discovery, large quantities were annually 
made in that town for export as well as for home use. Prior to that time, 
what little lime was used was manufactured from oyster and clam-shells 

In 1648, Thomas Hale was appointed ferryman, probably for that year 


only ; and it does not appear that any was afterward appointed ; for, at the 
September term, 1655, " Ye Court being informed yt there is no fery over 
Merrimack river, at Haverill, the courte orders Eobert Haseltine to keepe 
a fery over the said river ; and to have of strangers 4d a person, if they 
pay presently ; and 6d if bookt ; and to keepe entertaynement for horse 
and man, for one yeare, unless the Cfeneral Court take further orders." 
Haseltine lived on the Bradford shore of the river. 

About this time considerable difficulty arose between Mr. Ward and a 
part of his people concerning his salary, which was thought by the latter 
to be exorbitant. It seems that the difficulty had become so great, it was 
deemed necessary to call a council of the neighboring clergymen. The 
following is the order of the council of the Commonwealth, touching 
the matter : — 

" Att a Council held at Boston the 14th of August 165G." 

The Councill being Informed by the Honnored Govnr and Deput Govnr 
of the vncomfortable differences that of late haue fallen out in the churches 
of Christ at Hauerill and Salisbury notwthstanding seuerall Indeavors to 
Compose the same, which yett haue binn fruitelesse, out of theire tender 
care to preserve & procure peace & vnitje amongst them lately wrote to 
the said church in an Amicable way to Advise & Counsell them forthwith 
to call in to theire help such counsell from theire Neighboring churches. 
as the Rule prescribes ; from whose labors thro the blessing -of God a 
blessing might haue bin expected wch too great a part of those churches 
as they vnderstand is farr from Inclyning vnto The Councill Judging it to 
be theire duty to take an effectuall Course for the healing of theire breaches 
Doe Order and Desire that the Churches of Christ in Boston Cambridg 
and Ipswich doe each of them respectively send two messengers to meete 
at Hauerell & Salisbury as hereafter is exprest i e. to meete at Hauerill 
on the twenty seventh day of this Instant August by eight of the clock in 
the morning to consider & Advise in the primisses viz to endeavor to com- 
pose & sitle the distractions at Hauerill to give theire Judgments in the 
Cases of differences there And : at Salisbury the day after theire Issuing 
or Eising from Hauerill for ye ends aboue exprst And It is expected & 
desired that the churches of Hauerell & Salisbury and all persons con^ 
cerned therein in either of the sajd places, give this Councill at the time 
& place aforesajd the opportunity of meeting wth them to declare what 
shall Concerne themselves or the Councill see cawse to Enquire of them 
in reference to this buisnes. And It is Ordered that mr Robert Cleaments 
for Hauerill mr Samuell Hall for Salisbury shall take Care for the en=> 

» State Archives, Eccl. Vol. 10, p. 36. 


tertajnement of the sajd Councill & all persons concerned therein wch shall 
be sattisfied by the Tresurer. And It is ordered the sajd Councill haue 
liberty to Adjourne to some other place if they shall see cawse making 
theire retourne to the Councill of this Jurisdiction what successe theire 
eftdeavors through the blessing of God haue procured and where the fault 
hath binn or is that so if necessity Kequire such further Course may 
be taken therein as may most conduce to ye Glory of God the vniting of 
theire harts to vnity in truth & peace accordingto the Eule of the Gospell 

By ye Councill Edward Eawson Secret 

The difficulties were not, however, wholly confined to the matter of 
salary, as may be seen from the following extract from the minutes of the 
above ordered Coancil: — 

JIaverill August 28 IQoQ 

Quest. 1. Whether Henry Palmer a member of the Church of Haverill, 
being by publike arbitration censured as a delinquent in point of Defama- 
tion of Rob. Swan a member also of Eowley church, it be ye duty of ye 
Church of Haverill to take church-notice thereof, & if thereupon it shall 
appear also to the church that He is an offender, then to proceed with him 
in a church-way ? 

Ans. 1. The sentence of ye Arbitration being publicke there was Just 
cause why ye church should orderly inquire into ye matter ; whose duty 
it is to see to ye inoffensivenes of their members. 

2, 1. The Censure of ye Arbitratours as such was not a sufficient 
Ground why the church should censure Henry Palmer, 1. because the 
Church Judicature is distinct from & not depending upon the Ciuill Judi- 
cature : Those two polities are coordinate not subordinate. 2. The church 
is to Act 1. her owne faith, & not to be led by example further then shee 
finds it conformable to rule. 2. Henry Palmers satisfaction to civil order 
was not as such satisfaction to the church : As satisfaction to the church 
in case of offence is no satisfaction to ye Court. Because their Institution, 
meanes & ends are Divers. 

3. 1. Goodman Palmer did well in presenting the case unto the rever- 
end Teacher, & in desireing that by him it might be brought unto the 
Church. 2. AVe also conceive that there was too great appearance of much 
iniquity on Goodman Swans part in this matter. 3. Yet in regard the wit- 
nesses are detected of such falsehood in point of Testimony concerning this 
Business as renders them incompetent to establish a matter before the 
church ; Therefore Goodm. Palmer his charging of Goodm Swan with Sin 
(especially of such nature) thereupon, was not without Sin because with- 
out sufficient ground before the church. The acknowledgement whereof 


as we commend to & hope it will not be grievous unto our Broth, palmer ; 
so we desire it may be accejited of the Church, & that in such manner as 
his Infirmity herein (too common unto ye Best) being forgiven all regular 
zeale against sin both in Him and others may yet receive due incourage- 

Quest. 2. Whether Eobert Hazleton did in the case between Henry 
Palmer & Eobert Swan give Testimony upon oath, yea or no ? 

Ans. The scope of this Question being whether as to man the oath was 
Taken yea or not ; to pronounce positively concerning the taking or not 
taking thereof the Case requireth not. But that it was taken is not a 
Truth as to the Church, Before which a matter is not to stand without two 
or three witnesses. There beeing therefore as concerning this Question, so 
much for ye negative & no positive Testimony save only that of of Thomas 
Aires for the affirmative ; the Church cannot receive it as a Truth nor may 
admit any further debate about it, without the Hazard of her peace & 
prejudice to edification 

Hence wee conceive the Act of Thomas Aires in Charging & urging 
the prosecution of those Brethren in a church way who said it was not 
Taken, & that to the Hindrance of the celebration of ye Lords Supper 
then intended to be irregular & in the nature of it of much ill consequence. 

The Council subsequently reported that " through the blessing of God, 
the differences were in a good measure composed, and their ministers set- 
tled amongst them."" They decided that Mr. Ward should be paid fifty 
pounds per annum ; which were to be paid in wheat, rye, and Indian corn. 
They also specified how Mr. Ward's rate should be made, and collected. 
Men were to be appointed yearly " to cut, make, and bring home his hay 
and wood," who were to be paid out of his salary. 

The next Court ordered the Constable of Haverhill to levy, by way of 
Bate, on the inhabitants of Haverhill, the sum of £12. 19s. " for the satis- 
fying of Mr. John Clements for the charges expended in Haverhill" by 
the Council. 

This year Michael Emerson moved into town, and settled near the 
White house, on Mill Street. The grantees offered that if he would "go 
back into the woods," they would give him a tract of land. He accepted 
the offer, and settled not far from the corner of Primrose and Winter 
Streets. The -'Emerson Estate," on the south side of the latter street, 
is a part of the original tract granted to Michael Emerson. 

" Tlie Council's .return to the General Court was "only a verbal return." — C. 11. 4 — ^210. 


In July of this year, the first Quakers arrived in the colony, and soon 
was commenced what is generally called the persecution of the Quakers. 
Their books were burned, and a sentence of banishment passed upon them. 
Severe penalties were prescribed, even to maiming and death, for all 
such as should return into the jurisdiction after their banishment. Under 
this law, four persons were executed. In 1661, the King issued an order 
requiring that this punishment of his subjects, called Quakers, should 
cease. The order was obeyed, and all disturbances by degrees subsided. 

Early in the year 1657, "Goodman Simons" was appointed to keep the 
ferry on the " Great River." If he had only a canoe, he was to ferry sin- 
gle persons for two-pence, and cattle for four-pence each ; but if he 
provided a suitable boat, his price was to be six-pence a head for cattle 
two-pence for sheep and hogs, and three-pence for strangers. 

At the town meeting of March 6th, John Hutchins, of Newbury, was 
granted liberty to set a ivear in the Merrimack, " at the little island above 
the town by the falls." He was to have the use of the island and the 
flats to dry his fish. For these privileges, he was to " sell fish to the in- 
habitants of the town for such pay as the town can make ; " (that is, 
exchange for such produce, &c., as they could spare). He was also " to sell 
them dry fish at merchants prices, for their own spending, before any 
other." The town also granted him a houselot and other land. Hutchins 
agreed to have his works finished within two years, and doubtless did so. 

Previous to this time, no one was required to pay public rates, or taxes, 
unless he was a freeholder. From the first, there were some in town who 
did not own any real estate, and as their number increased with the gen- 
eral increase of the inhabitants, it was at length obvious that as they 
" partook of the benefits of the church and commonwealth," they ought 
also to share in the labor of maintaining them. Accordingly the town 
voted that if any person moved into town who was not a freeholder, he 
should be taxed for these purposes according to his " visible estate," or by 
estimation of the selectmen. 

In January, 1658, a third division of meadow was granted, and ordered 
to be laid out before the 15 th of May next, at the rate of half an acre to 
an acre of accommodation. Forty-one persons drew lots in this division. 
The only new name we find among them, is that of William Simmons. 

At the same meeting it was voted that, if any person had no convenient 
road to his upland, or meadow, upon his complaint to the town, two men 
were to be chosen to lay one out, whose charges should be defrayed by the 

There seems to have been a great deal of layiiig down and taking up land 
this year, by the inhabitants. At one time it appears as if " the plain " 


was^the favorite spot for locating ; and, anon, the owners in the plain are 
suddenly laying down their land, and rushing " over the Little Eiver west- 
ward." No sooner have they done this, than the Little Eiver people make 
haste to take up the land in the plain. A study of these cross-cut move- 
ments among the early settlers, leads us to the sage conclusion that "hu- 
man nature is human nature," the world over. 

It appears that the inhabitants suffered considerably for the want of a 
blacksmith. To obviate this difficulty, a contract was signed by Mr. 
Ward and nineteen others, in which each agree to pay Mr. Jewett his 
proportion of twenty pounds, to purchase his house and land, which the 
contractors gave to John Johnson, " provided he live here seven years, 
following the trade of a blacksmith in doing the town's work ; also, the 
said John Johnson doth promise to refuse to work for any that refuse to 
pay towards this purchase, untill they bring under the Selectmen's hands 
that they will pay." This house stood on the ground now occupied by 
the Exchange building. Water Street. Until recently, this land has been 
owned by the heirs of Hon. Bailey Bartlett, a lineal descendant from the 
above John Johnson. He was also the ancestor of most of the Johnsons in 
the town. 

Johnson came from Charlestown, where he married, October 15, 1656, 
Elizabeth, daughter of Elias Maverick, and had one child, John (born 
August 3, 1657) previous to his removal to Haverhill. It is worthy of 
note, that the same trade has been almost or quite constantly carried on 
in this town, since that time, by his lineal descendants. Washington 
Johnson, son of John, (who was also a blacksmith,) still exercises the 
ti-ade, and his shop stands on land once belonging to the original John 

The following are the names of those who entered into the above agree- 
ment with Johnson : — 

" Mr. John Ward, John Heath, for himself & Thomas 

Joseph Jewett, Lilford, 

John Eaton, James Davis, jun, 

James Davis sen, Thomas Whittier, 

Henry Palmer, William Simons, 

William White, Hugh Sherratt, 

Thomas Daivis, Samuel Guile, 

Kobert Swan, Daniel Ella promised to give five 

Theophilus Satchwell, shillings towards this purchase. 

George Browne, Steven Kent 12 shillings." 

Bartholomew Heath, 


The first regular deed of Keal Estate in the town, that we can find re- 
corded, is that of Thomas Sleeper and wife, to Wm. White, under date of 
October 11, 1659. The form is very nearly that in present use. 

The same year, a fourth division of upland was laid out, beyond Spig- 
got River, (in what is now Salem, N. H.) It was ordered to be bounded 
south by the Merrimack, north by Shatswell's Pond, west by the town's 
bounds, and to rim eastward until the lots were all drawn. It was divided 
into forty-nine lots, all but three of which were drawn. They were laid 
out one mile in length, and at the rate of twenty acres to one acre of 
accommodation land. 

At the meeting of November 23d, it was voted that if a town meeting 
was publicly warned on a Lecture day, it should be considered a sufficient 
notice. It was also voted that no man should be taken into town as 
an inhabitant, or " town dweller," without the consent of the town. 
As the inhabitants were proprietors of the soil, and had a flourishing set- 
tlement well established, we surely cannot blame them for exercising their 
undoubted right to say who should be their associates, and share in 
their important advantages and privileges. It was also voted that none 
should be allowed to vote in town affairs, without consent from the town, 
except as the law gave them that privilege. 

The population of the town now began to increase more rapidly. The 
beauty of the location, the sober industry and thrift of the inhabitants, 
and their liberality toward new comers generally, were inducements that 
ere this were widely known, and many were eager to become an inhabitant 
of the town. 

Under such circumstances, we need not wonder that the meeting-house 
had already been found too small to accommodate the worshippers. To 
remedy the inconvenience, the town appointed a committee to enlarge and 
repair the house, according to their best discretion; and "to finish it, 
and make seats in it, and also to sell land for to pay the workmen, not ex- 
ceeding twenty acres in the cow-common."" 

Daniel Ladd and Theophilus Shatswell, having received liberty from 
the town, erected a saw-mill on Spiggot (Spicket) Eiver. It was built 

' This is the first notice we find of a cow-commnn, thonjh it appears one had previously been laid out. 
Like many other matters, no record had been made of it. Tiie common alhidod to, was that situated 
nearly due north from the bridge, ou the south aud west of Round Pond. A part of it Is still known as 
the " Commons." 



within the present limits of Salem, N. H., and was the first one erected 
upon that stream. The proprietors were required to pay the town five 
pounds per annum for the privilege. 

Sometime this year, John Clement sailed for England, and on his out- 
ward voyage was cast away and drowned. At the September term, 
Eobert, his brother, applied to the Court to be appointed administrator of 
his estate. This is the first notice we have of an administratorship in the 
town. The following is a copy of the Eecord : — 

" John Clements late of Haverhill, being by Grod's providence cast away 
and dying intestate, the worshipful Mr. Samuel Symonds, and Major Gen- 
eral Denizen the Clarke, being present, granted administration unto Eobert 
Clements of the estate of John Clements deceased, he to bring an inven- 
tory to Ipswich Court next, and then the Court to take further orders." 

In the following year, Eobert Clement " brought in an accompt to this 
court of his charges expended in his voiage to England and Ireland, his 
brother John, his wife and children ; and upon the request of his brother 
Job and Sisters, the court confirmed the administration unto Eobert 
Clements of the estate of his brother John Clements."* 

A petition was presented to the G-eneral Court in October, 1659, asking 
for the grant of " a tract of land twelve miles square, in a place called 
Pennacooke." The petitioners were from Newbury, Mass., and Dover, 
N. H. The court granted them eight miles square, on certain conditions, 
which were not, however, complied with. Pennacook, now Concord, N. H., 
was not settled till 1726. 

In these days of rapid movements, it seems almost incredible that nearly 
a century should intervene between the settlement of this town and the 
rich and extensive intervales of Penacook, only forty miles distant. But 
so it was. Haverhill was a frontier town for more than seventy years. 

® John Clements was the son of Eobert, senior. He married Sarah, daughter of John Osgood, of Ando- 
yer, by whom he had four daughters. 



1660 TO 1669. 

The early inhabitants of Haverhill seem to have had a strong desire for 
a large town. We have seen that as early as 1644, they petitioned for 
more land; and again in 1648 ; and for a long series of years they were 
disputing with Salisbury about a few acres of meadow ; and when the 
General Court granted Major Dennison a tract of land " on the other side 
of Merrimack, about sixe miles above Andover," in 1660, it was found 
that Haverhill claimed the land as within the bounds of their town ! The 
Court evidently thought that this was claiming altogether too much, and 
they accordingly ordered "that the townsmen of Haverhill be required 
by warrant from the secretary to appear at the next sessions of this Court, 
to show a reason why they have marked bound trees at so great a distance 
from their town up Merremacke River and also to give an account of the 
bounds of their town, and upon what right they lay claim to so long a 
tract of land. 

The town chose James Davis and Theophilus Shatswell " to answer the 
warrant of the General Court concerning the bounds." They were voted 
to be paid " ten groats per day " each, for their services. 

At the November meeting, it was ordered that the land " behind the 
meeting house should be reserved for a burial ground." This is the first 
mention we find in relation to a burial ground, but as the old English 
custom was to appropriate a spot near the church for that purpose, which 
they called " God's acre," we presume that from the first settlement, the 
dead had been buried near the meeting house, and that this vote was 
merely the formal setting apart of the place for that purpose. The spot 
referred to, was the central part of the old burial ground, now called 
" Pentucket Cemetery." 

At the same meeting, ten acres of meadow, and two hundred acres of 
upland, were granted for a parsonage to Mr. Ward and his successors. 

A second ox-common was also granted, on the petition of six persons. 
It was situated between Merrie's Creek and a small brook which issues 
from West-meadow. Eighteen oxen were kept upon it. 

The first public school in the town was established about this time ; the 
instructor was Thomas Wasse, whose salary was ten pounds per year. 


He also taught school in Ipswich, (Chebaco Parish) and at Newbury. He 
died at Xewbur}^ May 18, 1G91. AVasse kept the school in Haverhill from 
IGGO to 1673, and perhaps later. 

It seems that the inhabitants were still troubled about their mills. At 
the above meeting, a committee was chosen to request the executors of Mr. 
(John) Clements to repair the mill, or "desert the place." If they re- 
fused, the committee were to " force them by law." 

Up to this time there had been recorded nineteen marriages, one hun- 
dred and thirty-five births, and thirty deaths. 

At the town meeting of February 28, 1661, a fourth division ,>f meadow 
was ordered to be laid out. Fifty-three lots were drawn."* 

The road near "hucklebery hill " was laid out this year; ana the ox- 
common was divided into two parts ; — ^the division line running north and 
south. Those who lived east of Mill Brook were to occupy the eastern 
part of the ox-common, and those who lived west of the brook, the west- 
ern part. 

At the same meeting, the following vote was passed: — "Toted and 
granted that there shall be laid out to every one that will, either now, or 
hereafter, to every four acres of commonage, two ox-pastures, proportion- 
able to the first ox-common, provided they make their title appear to the 

These two votes indicate the change already taking place in the town. 
The settlers were fast approaching the present individuality in property. 
Each man desired to be lord over his own domains, — king in his own 
castle. The latter vote allowed each man to have his ox-pasture by him- 
self, if he so desired, and at the next annual meeting the large ox-common 
laid out in 1654, was divided, and parceled out to the persons entitled to 
shares in it ; and various persons had private ox-commons, or pastures, 
laid out for them. 

The settlers had already begun to form their lands into farms, by " lay- 
ing down," " taking up," buying, selling, and exchanging lots ; many had 
built themselves houses, and removed their families on to their farms ; 
and the best part of the town's territory was fast becoming dotted with 
the cottages of the settlers. 

At the same meeting of the town, the following vote was passed : — 
" Voted and granted that all such grants of land which the inhabitants of 
Haverhill are already legally possessed of or may hereafter be legally 

® Among the names, we notice the following, not before mentioned in the divisions of land: — John 
Johnson, Ephraim Davis, John Carleton, James Pecker, John Remington, William Deale, Michael Emer- 
son, Daniel Ela, Joseph Johnson, John Eaton. 


possessed of in the town of Haverhill, shall remain to them, their heirs, 
executors, administrators and assigns forever, excepting such grants as 
are or shall be made to some men during the towns pleasure, or for a set 

This vote was but another step in the direction already indicated, and 
shows us still more plainly the prevailing desire for independent land 
ownership. The laying out of highways now became nearly as frequent 
as the laying out of lots had been previously ;-'^ the land rapidly increased 
in value and productiveness, and the town in population and wealth. 

The following extracts from the town records, though they do not give 
a list of all the houses built in the years mentioned, yet show that the 
town was increasing with great rapidityf : — 

" Cottages. Whereas the law j^rovides for the prevention of the great 
inconvenience and damage that otherways would accrue by those persons 
that have built houses or cottages upon the common, or their own land, 
since 1660, that have not lawful right thereunto, to the great prejudice of 
the house proprietors. Thereof we whose names are hereunto subscribed, 
do judge it meet for the prevention as abovesaid, and do here set down the 
names of those that have built houses upon the Common of Haverhill, or 
their own land, since the year above-said. 

Samuel Davis, Thomas Whittier, Stephen Webster, 

James Davis jun, Abraham Whiticker, James Peacker, 

John Swaddock, Samuell Coulby, Daniel Ladd jun, 

Samuel Gilde sen, Samuell Currier, Mathias Button, 

Bartholomew Heath, Benjamin Page, Stephen Dow, 

Nathaniel Smith John Page jun, John Eyer, 

Will: Neff, Joshua Woodman. 

(Signed) George Browne, Daniel Lad sen, John Haseltine, Josejjh Davis, 
Selectmen of Haverhill, in the year 1668." 

'■^ The highway between this town and Newbury was formally laid out this year. 

t On the 15th of March, 1600, the town of Ipswich adopted the following order : — 

" For as much as it is found by experience, that the common lands of this town are overburdened by 
the multiplying of dwelling-houses, contrary to the interest and meaning of the first inhabitants in their 
granting of house lots and other lands to such as came among them : to the end such inconveniences may 
be prevented for the future, it is ordered that no house, henceforth erected, shall have any right to the 
common lands of this town, nor any person, inhabiting such house, make use of any pasture, timber, or 
wood, growing upon any of said common lands, on pretext of any right or title belonging to any such 
house hereafter built, without express leave of the town. It is further ordered, that the Seven men, in 
behalf of the town, petition the next General Court for the confirmation of this order." 

In accordance with the above petition, the General Court passed a law. May 30, 1660, that "no cot- 
tage or dwelling shall ha\e commonage, except those now built, or which may be by consent of the 
commoners or towns." It was this law which occasioned a record of the erection of these cottages to be 


" A list of more houses that arc and fall under the law made in '60, 
prohibiting them from privileges in Common lands. 
Joseph Davis, Kobert Ford, John Kingsbury, 

Daniel Lad sen, Isaac Colbie, Thomas Ayers, 

Joseph Johnson, 
As attest, Henry Palmer, George Brown, James Pecker, Eobert Swan, Steven 
Webster, Selectmen in 1669." 

"A list of more houses built which fall under the law made 1660 which 
prohibits them from privileges in Common lands. 

James Kingsbery Gilbert Wilford, Phillip Eastman, 

Thomas Duston,'' Math. Harriman, Josiah Gage, 

Dan Lad jun. 2d, Eob. Emerson, Jno. Hartshorn, 

Thomas Davis, Joseph Peasly, Tho. Hartshorn, 

Peter Green, Joseph Page, Widdow Ayers, 

Josejjh Hutchins, Josiah Heath, James Sanders, 

Samll. Hutchins, Nicholas Browne, Jno. Heath jun, 

Steph. Webster 2nd, Samll. Ladd, ^ Samll. Bilknap, 

Thomas Eastman, Nath. Singleterry, Peter Brewer. 

" This account was entered Jan 25: 75, by the Selectmen. 
William White, George Brown, Daniel Hendricks, Thomas Eatton, 
Selectmen in 1675." 

"Feb the 1st 1677. An account of more Cottages erected since Janu- 
ary 25, 75. 

Thomas Duston, Eob. Hastings, James Saunders 2d 

Jno. Eobie, Ezra Eolf. 

As attest Henry Palmer, Andrew Guile, George Brown." 

" More cottages erected since Feb 1. 77. 
Sam: Ayers, Thomas Duston 2nd,t John Whittier, 

Joseph Kingsbery, John Williams, John Haseltine jun 

Amos Singletery, Benj Singletery. 

This account was entered January 13th 1679, by order of Henry Palmer, 
George Browne, Daniel Hendricks, Eobert Emerson, Selectmen." 

" More cottages erected, entered Feb. 27. 81. 
Nath. Haseltine, Jno Stockbridge, Samll Dalton, 

Jno Johnson jun, Jno Clement." 

•^ This was probably the house Duston sold to Peter Green, in 1676. 

t As Duston was married December, 1677, it is probable this house was buOt in the summer of that 
year, and was the one in which he resided at the time his wife was taken prisoner, in 1097. 


The better sort of houses one hundred and fifty to one hundred and 
seventy-five years ago, were two stories high, with upper story jutting out 
a foot or so over the lower. The roofs were generally high and steep, and 
hipped, or gambreed. The frames were of white oak, and much larger 
than used in our day, and the beams of each finished room were left con- 
siderably in sight. The windows were from two and a half to three feet 
long, one and a half to two wide, with squares like the figure of a diamond, 
set in lead lines, and from three to four inches long. These windows were 
sometimes entire and sometimes in halves, and opened outwardly on hinges. 
They were fashionable until after about 1734. Those with four by six 
glass succeeded ; then five by seven ; then six by eight ; then seven by 
nine, set in wooden frames, — which began to be used about 1750. 

Lime-stone was little known, and less manufactured, for more than a 
century after the first settlement of the town, and the walls of houses 
were daubed with clay, mixed with straw, or plastered with a sort of lime 
made in great part of clam-shells. Paper was not put on walls until 
about a hundred ye^rs ago, and very little until 1783, — whitewash being 
used in its stead. 

Each side of a dwelling had bricks laid against the inner partition, be- 
ing then covered with clay, and then with clay-boards, (since corrupted to 
clap-boards) , thus making them comfortable in cold weather, as well as 
durable. While the better kind of buildings were shingled on the top, 
others, such as cottages of one story, had thatched roofs, until after about 
1690. The latter was an imitation of a custom in England, where it 
still exists in country villages. 

Previous to 1 700, very few if any houses had more than one chimney. 
This was in the middle, and of very large dimensions ; and, besides other 
fire-places, had a mammoth one for the kitchen, where a whole family 
could sit conveniently on the two forms, or " settles," placed in the corners. 
The writer distinctly remembers sitting in such a fire-place, gazing at the 
sky above, and watching the upward curling smoke from the huge logs be- 
fore him. Thirty cords of fire-wood annually was not then thought 
extravagant for a family. 

Paint was but little used for houses, either inside or outside, before 
about 1734, and even fifty years later it was not common for even the 
•'best room" to be thus ornamented, much less the whole house. Very 
few houses were painted outside as late as 1800. 

Mirick says, that the first militia company was organized in town this 
year (1662). We think he is mistaken, as a military organization most 
certainly existed in town as early as 1648, and the laws of the colony re- 


quired such an organization to be kept up in every town.'- It is true that 
the town records make no mention of a company previous to this year, but 
we must remember that but a small part of the transactions of the inhabi- 
tants, even in their collective capacity, are recorded. This is especially 
the case with matters regulated by the General Court, of which this under 
consideration was one. 

This year, William White was chosen Captain, and Daniel Ladd Lieu- 
tenant, and we presume their successors were regularly chosen for many 
years afterward. 

The settlers were much troubled about these times with wolves, which 
destroyed large numbers of sheep. The colony and the county had oflPercd 
large premiums for every wolf's head, but so serious were their depreda- 
tions that the town offered, as an addition to the State and County premium, 
a bounty of forty shillings for every wolf killed. The following is the 
vote: " If any Indian shall kill a wolf in Haverhill bounds, he, or they 
shall have for every wolf so killed, forty shillings." 

This reference to Indians does not prove us wrong in our previous spec- 
ulations as to Indians in the town, or weaken our position. They were 
undoubtedly " converted " Indians, of whom there were at this time hun- 
dreds in the colony, scattered among the several towns and plantations, as 
well as collected in Indian villages. We well know that one of these 
"praying " Indians, made his home in this town for some time, and was 
the author of several cold-blooded murders during the wars that followed. 

One of the most distinguished persons engaged in the work of converting 
the aborigines of Massachusetts to the Christian faith, was Eev. John 
Elliott, of Eoxbury. He commenced his active labors in 1646, visiting 
the different tribes, and persuading them to imitate the manners and 
habits of their civilized neighbors. In 1651, his converts united and 
built a town, which they called Natick. In 1661, Mr. Elliot completed 
the translation of the Bible into the Indian language, and the work of con- 
version increased, until, in 1695, it was estimated that in Martha's Vine- 
yard alone there were over three thousand Indian converts. In 1674, 
there were fourteen " praying towns " of Indians in Massachusetts alone. 
One of these was Wamesit, (a part of Tewksbury, or Lowell) containing 
seventy -five souls. 

Many of these praying Indians lived in the families of the settlers, and 
labored for them ; and were allowed many privileges previously denied 

* In 1636 the militia were divided into three regiments. The Court appointed the Colonel and Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel ; the regiments elected their field officers, and " the several towns " were to make choice of 
some suitable persons to present to the General Court for " Captains and Lieutenants." — Col. Eec. 1, 187. 


them, as, for instance, tlie possession and use of fire-arms. It was these 
Indians that the vote of the town evidently referred to, and not the origi- 
nal inhabitants of the town. 

By a vote of the town the same year, William Simmons received " the 
overplus in the Constable's hands of the Country rate, to satisfy him for 
his curing of Matthias Button."" This is the first hint we can find of any 
physician being in town. Simmons was at this time, and for the five 
years previous, the town's ferryman, as well as physician. 

We mentioned, under date of 1660, that the town laid claim to land 
some distance west of Spicket Eiver, and were summoned to the General 
Court to prove their claim to such extensive bounds. The following which 
we copy from the Records of the Court, for 1664, throws light upon the 
result of that investigation : — 

" This Court hauing in October, 1660, graunted Major Gencrll Dennis- 
son sixe hundred acres of land, (formerly graunted) to be layed out be- 
yond Merrymack Riuer, a litle above Old Wills planting ground, which 
land was then clajmed by the towne of Hauerill, as within their bound, 
for which they, by their atturnays, sumoned to appeare at that Court, did 
alleadg seuerall pleas, which the Court then judged invalid, & notwith- 
standing the same, they then gi-aunted the six hundred acres, provided it 
were not within seaven miles of Hauerill meeting house, which sajd sixe 
hundred acres being since laid out, as above exprest, by George Abbot & 
Thomas Chandler, & returned to this Court is allowed and confirmed." 

This does not seem to have settled the matter of the western bounds of 
the town, as we find the following in the Records for October, (1664) : — 

" For an issue in the case in diflference between Major Generall Den- 
nison & the towne of Haverill, relating to their bounds, the Court 
judgeth it meete to confirme the bounds of Haverill, not extending vpon 
the river above eight miles from their meeting house, & doe confirm unto 
Major Generall Dennison his farme as it is now lajd out." 

Though, in 1662, the Court would only allow the town to extend seven 
miles westward, in 1664, it seems, they consented to add another mile. 
Reckoning by the river, this would make the western bound of the town 
at least four miles west of its present bounds, and not far from the mouth 
of Spicket River in the city of Lawrence. 

The town had, however, already laid out land to some of its inhabitants 

<* Matthias Button came over with the first Governor of Massachusetts (Endicott) in 1628. lie was 
living in a thatched house in Haverhill as late as 1670, and gave the Rev. Thomas Cobbett (of Ipswich) 
■ome of the facts communicated to Dr. Increase Mather, of the early troubles with the Indians. IJa 
died in 1672. 



still further west, and when the Major's farm was finally laid out, it was 
obliged to lay out new lots instead of them, in another place. 

From the Eoxbury church records, we learn that there was a severe 
drought in the early part of 1662; and from the Hampton Court records, 
that the following winter was very moderate, the ground not freezing un- 
til the twentieth of December. 

In 1663, the town voted that there should be a general Town-Meeting 
holden on the first Tuesday in March, annually, " for the granting and 
selling & exchanging of lands or commonages, if the town see cause, & 
therefore it is hereby ordered, that all the other town or other meetings 
whatever, after this day is ended, shall be, & are hereby prohibited from 
acting upon those grants of lands or commonages."" 

Previous to this, there was no regular time for holding town meetings, 
or acting upon land matters. The day above designated continued to be 
the time for the annual meetings until 1675, when it was changed to the 
last Tuesday in February. 

Previous to this time, grants of land were seldom recorded in the town 
books at the time they were laid out ; — thus, Samuel Gild's grant of 
1663, was not entered until 1690. The evil tendency of this loose prac- 
tice was too glaring to escape notice, and, in 1664, a step was taken in 
the right direction, by requiring all future grants to be recorded when laid 
out. This was followed two years after, by an order requiring that all 
who claimed to own land in town, should bring in their title to the same, 
that it might be duly examined and approved. 

At a meeting in December 1663, it was voted to lay out the way " for- 
merly called Goodman Ayers cartway," and leading "from Coffin's Ordi- 
nary to the country highway," as a public highway, and twelve rods wide. 
This "twelve rod way" afterward caused the town considerable trouble 
as will be seen. It commenced at the foot of " Sander's Hill " (near the 
present residence of Eichard Stuart) and run in a direct line to the 
Merrimack, striking the latter about one fourth of a mile above the Eocks 

At the annual meeting, in 1664, the selectmen were authorized to sell a 
quantity of land, to pay the expense of building a pound. This was the 
first building of the kind erected ; it was built of wood and stood near the 
meeting house. 

The town still continued to be troubled with wolves, and so great was 
the damage done by them, that the town again offered a bounty of forty 

* The word farm is found in the town records of this year for the first time. 


sMllings for eaeh one killed, in addition to the large bounty offered by 
the County. 

Mr. John Carleton was this year chosen Town Recorder and Clerk of 
the Writs, in which offices he continued until 1668. 

An old manuscript states that there were sixty-four freemen in town 
this year. The list begins with " Mr. Ward our preacher." 

Another cow-common was ordered to be laid out ; it extended from 
Little River to a place then called North-meadow, and from thence to 

The owners of the saw-mill were this year allowed the use of one hun- 
dred acres to pasture their oxen, by paying an annual rent of "100 

The General Court, in 1664, remitted to John Hutchins, late constable 
of Haverhill, several pounds, for corn which he had collected for taxes, 
but which was consumed by fire, while yet on his- hands. The Court also 
granted him twenty shillings "for his pains in executing a warrant for 
the apprehending of an Indian for killing his squaw." 

At the annual meeting of 1665, a road was ordered to be laid out from 
■" Holt's Eocks,"-'' just below the present Eocks Bridge, to the Country 
bridge, in the East-meadow. 

It was also voted that Mr. Ward, with three others, "should plan and 
seat the inhabitants of Haverhill in the seats built in the meeting house." 

Nathaniel Saltonstall was chosen Captain of the Militia company, and 
George Browne, Ensign. The flag of this company was a ground field 
green, with a red cross, " with a white field in ye angle according to ye 
antient custom of our own English Nation, and the English plantations in 
America, & our own practice in our ships & other vessels, by order of ye 
Major General." The military forces of the town, and, in fact, of the 
whole colony, seem to have been well organized at this period. 

The inhabitants about this time seem to have been much troubled for 
want of sufficient mill accommodations, as we find " that taking into con- 
sideration that the corn mill now in Haverhill is not sufficient to answer 
the town's end for to grind the town's corn," a committee was chosen to 
treat with John Osgood and Andrew Grealey, the owners of the mill, " to 
know whether, they will maintain a sufficient mill or mills for to answer 
the end of the town." In case the owners should neglect or refuse to/ do 
it, the committee were empowered " to agree with any other men that will 
build & maintain a sufficient mill or mills, that may answer the end of 
the town for to grind the town's corn sufficiently." 

" Holt's Rocks were so called from one Nicholas Hplt, one of the first settlers of Newbury, and who 
•fterward settled in Andover. He kept the first ferry near the Rocks. 


This vigorous action on the part of the town had the desired effect. An 
agreement was entered into with the committee, by Bartholomew Heath 
and Andrew Grealey, to the following effect : — 

" First, to repair the mill that now is, by Sept next : & if this mill 
proves insufficient to answer the town's end, then to build another by 
September following ; & so to keep & maintain from time to time a suffi- 
cient corn mill or mills, suitable for all sorts of grain that the inhabitants 
of Haverhill shall have occasion to grind : and also to keep a sufficient 
skilful miller, or millers, such as the town shall approve of from time to 
time ; & further do engage to provide good millstones ; and convenient 
room for the laying of the bags, with sufficient housing with lock and key : 
& also wc do engage not to grind for any other town or towns to the hin- 
drance of any of the inhabitants of Haverhill." 

In consideration of the above, the town agreed that Heath and Grealey 
should " have so much privilege of the land in the street on both sides of 
the brook at the end of Michael Emerson's lot as may be convenient to 
set another mill on, or any other place on the town's land. And also we 
do engage that no other man shall set up a mill or mills upon any land 
that is the town's with any order from the town." The agreement is 
dated November 4, 1665. 

Among the names met with in the records of this year, we find the fol- 
lowing new ones : — William Compton, Eoger Lanceton. 

With the increase of population came the necessity of more extensive 
meeting house accommodations, and after due deliberation it was voted at 
the annual meeting of 1666, "yt John Hutchins shall have libertie to 
beuld a gallerey at ye westend of ye meeting house, and to take any of ye 
inhabitants of ye town to joyne with him, provided yt he give nottise to 
ye towne whether he will or noe ye next training day, soe yt any of ye 
inhabitants of ye towne yt hath a minde to joyne with him, may give in 
their naimes ; and yt there is none but ye inhabitants of ye towne is to 
have any interest in ye said gallery." 

At the same meeting, it was voted, that the " Selectmen, chosen for the 
year ensuing, shall have power to act in any prudential affairs according 
to the laws of the country, excepting in the disposing of lands." For 
years afterward this vote was renewed annually. 

From the records of the County Court, we learn, that John Carleton of 
this town was fined three pounds for striking Eobert Swan several blows, 
& Eobert Swan 30s for striking John Carleton several blows." We com- 
mend the wisdom of the Court in punishing both parties. 


The bounds of the town were not, it seems, yet fully settled, but con- 
tinued to occupy the attention both of the town and the General Court, 
until the latter evidently considered it high time the matter was finally 
disposed of. 

Accordingly, at the May session of 1666, "Left Thomas Noyes, of 
Sudbury, John Parker of Billirrikey, & Left Challice, of Salisbury New- 
toune," were " appointed a committee to run the bounds of the town of 
Haverill, & make returne thereof to the next session of the Court." 

At the session of the succeeding May, the following report was submit- 
ted to the court : — 

" In obedience to an order of the honored Generall Court, dated the 
23d of May, 1666, Thomas Noyes, of Sudbury, Lieftenant Challice, of 
Salisbury, New towne, John Parker, of Billirrikey, did meete at Haverill, 
the 31st day of October 1666, to runn the bounds of Haverill, according 
to order committed unto us. Wee began at the meeting house, and runne 
a due west Ijne just eight miles ; there wee reared up a heape of stones, & 
from thence runn a due south Ijne to Merrymacke Eiver, & stated'-' a due 
north Ijne from the sajd heape of stones to meet with & close the Ijne 
northwest from the bound at Merrimack Eiver that divides between Hav- 
erill & Salisbury, which bound is just two miles & fowerteen score poles 
from Haverill meeting house, which lyeth about east north east, & there 
we cease our worke at that time for want of the order wherein that Ijne 
was prefixt betwene Salisbury & Haverill from the sajd bounds at Holts 
Eocks; then the sajd commitee did appointe to meete again to finish the 
work about the bounds vpon the first second day of May next following. 
This worke was donne by Thomas Noyse, deceased, & refused to be sub- 
scribed vnto by Lieftennant Challice, being left alone to make his returne 
to the honord Court by him, who is your servant wherein you shall com- 
mand, John Parker." 

The Court approved of this report in the following words : — 

" The Court doe approoue of this returne of the bounds of Haverill, so 
farr as the same was statedf by Ensign Noyse & the rest of the comittee 
appointed therevnto before the death of Ensigne Noyse ; but as for the 
bounds between Haverill & Salisbury New toune, it is settled as this 
Court hath determined this session. "J 

This being the first regular survey and marking of the west line of the 
town, and, as we shall see, the fixing of its whole boundary line, by the 

=> started. f Ibid. 

1 We have already copied the order of the Court here referred to, under date of 1654. 


General Court, it is worthy of more than a passing notice. The bounds 
established at this time remained unchanged until the setting oflF, or lay- 
ing out, of Methuen, in 1725, — a period of nearly sixty years. 

We have taken special pains to collect a complete history of our town 
bounds, and have, fortunately, been successful. "We have made thorough 
search in the archives of this State, and also of Xew Hampshire, and 
brought to light much interesting and important information upon the sub- 
ject. We have found, and taken copies of, every plan and map of the 
town, taken by Colonial and State authority, from its first survey, in 1667, 
to 1832. 

Among them is the first plan of the town ever drawn — that of Ensign 
Noyes, as finished by Jonathan Danforth, in 1667, — and which we have 
had engraved for this work. 

As early as October, 1640, (within a few months of the first settlement 
of the town) a committee was chosen by the Greneral Court to " view the 
bounds between Colchester (Salisbury) & Mr. Ward's plantation ; " 
which we presume was done. At the next June Court, commissioners were 
appointed " to set out the bounds of Salisbury & Pentucket, alias Haver- 
hill," and "to determine the bounds which Mr Ward & his company are 
to enjoy as a toune or village." We can find no report of the doings of 
either of these committees, and have come to the conclusion that their 
doings extended no further than a " viewing," or indefinite location, of 
the line between these two towns. We are confident that they did not 
determine the hounds which Mr. Ward and his company were to enjoy as a 
town or village. 

In 1647, the town petitioned for a large tract of land somewhere to the 
northwest of the present town limits, to which the General Court made 
answer that they thought four miles square was enough for them. AVhether 
this four miles scpare referred to the whole area they should have as a 
town, or to the tract of land then granted them, does not clearly appear 
from the record, but we are confident that it referred to the latter. = ' 

In 1650, another committee was appointed to "lay out the bounds be- 
tween Haverhill and Salisbury," which fact strengthens the opinion that 
the previous committees merely " viewed" the bounds, and did not regu- 
larly survey and mark the line. This last committee, however, did make 
such a survey, and we hear nothing more about the matter until 1654, 
when the town petitioned the General Court for a new survey, on the 

"» The Indian deed conveyed fourteen miles on the River, and six miles back from the River, and it 
does not seem to iis consistent with the usages of the times, that the Court should cut them down to a 
mere four miles sguare. 


ground that a " great mistake was made in the former. The request 
was granted, and the result proved that a mistake had been made. The 
decision of the List appointed surveyors was not, it seems, satisfactory to 
either party, (clearly showing that it was about right) and the subject 
continued to occupy and trouble the minds of the inhabitants of both 
towns, until the General Court approved the survey of 1667, and firmly 
decided that the line agreed upon in 1654, "should be the dividing line 
betwene them." 

When the General Court ordered its grant to Major General Daniel 
Dennison to be laid out, in 1660, it was found that the Haverhill men 
claimed some of the land, and objected to its being laid out to the Major.* 
Upon this, the Court summoned the town " to shew a reason why they 
-have marked bounds trees at so great a distance from their towne vp 
Meremacke Eiver, & also to give an account of the bounds of theire towne, 
& vpon what right they lay clajme to so long a tract of land." It would 
seem from this, that the western line of the town had been previously run, 
and marked, though we can find no record of its being ordered, or done, 
except those already mentioned. It is probable, however, that it was 
done by the town, a few years previously, when the lands in that section 
were laid out by them to the inhabitants of the town. Their Indian deed 
gave them " eight miles from ye Little Eiver westward ; " but the General 
Court declared it should be eight miles upon the river westward from 
their meeting house. This made a difference of three-fourths of a mile. 

The easterly bound of the town was now (1666) a due northwest line 
from Holt's Eocks, (the present bound), and when the commissioners came 
on to lay out the western bounds, they commenced at the meeting house, 
and run a line due west, eight miles, according to their interpretation of 
the order of the General Court. That order, however, says " not extend- 
ing upon the river above eight miles from their meeting house." By run- 
ning due ivest from the latter point, instead of following the river, it gave 
the town a much larger area than it would have given them by following 
the crooked, or general southwesterly course of the river. This difference 
was not less than four miles, upon the river ; thus giving the town a tract 
of land, equal to about four miles by twelve, more than a strict interpreta- 
tion of the order of the General Court would have allowed them. 

° Since the above was written, we have found, under date 'of 1741, a petition from John Denison, a 
descendant of the Major above mentioned, to the proprietors of the common and undivided lands in 
Haverhill, in which it is made to appear that thirty acres of the land laid out to the Major in 1660, actu- 
ally fell within Haverhill bounds when the west line of the town was run in 1667 ; and that, in 17-10, one 
Lyndly petitioned the Haverhill proprietoi-s to purchase this thirty acres of them. To such a sale the 
petitioner (J. D.) objected, and to avoid all future trouble, requested the proprietors to give him their 
quit claim to the land, — which they did. 



We do not learn that the Haverhill people made any objection to this 
course, and as it more than made up the difference between their bounds 
as given in the original deed, and that in the order of the Court, we pre- 
sume they were quite willing to keep quiet. 

From the point eight miles west of the meeting house, a line was run 
due north and south, extending to the Merrimack on the south, and to the 
intersection of the northwest line from Holt's Eocks on the north. This 
gave the township nearly the form of a triangle. The length of the north- 
east angle was about fifteen miles ; of the west line rather more ; and an 
air line from Holt's Eocks, to the southwest corner, would have been also 
about fifteen miles. 

The following engraving is made from the original plan, as drawn by 
Jonathan Danforth, from this survey by Ensign Noyes, 


"this platfonn of the town of hauerill began by ensie^n Noise of Sudbury and finished by Jonathan 

Danforth 16. 3d m. 1667." 

The General Court approved of the report of the commissioners, and, 
for the first time, the bounds of the town were apparently well defined 
and understood. 

From the foregoing, it will be seen that the original area of the town 
was much greater than the present. This difi^erence is not, however, genr 



erally known by its present inhabitants ; and even those who do know 
something of former changes in its bounds, have but a vague idea of their 
extent. The following map shows, not only its past and present bounds, 
but also those portions that have been from time to time taken off, in 
forming new towns, and in running the present State line. There are 
several inaccuracies in the map, which were not noticed in season for their 
correction. The most important, is, the representing of the west line of 
Methuen and the old west line of Haverhill, as touching the Merrimack 
at the same point, whereas the distance between them should have been 
about one and a half miles. With this exception, the map is sufficiently 
correct for the purpose for which it is here introduced. 


If we start from the site of the first meeting house, (in the old burying 
ground,) and run a line due west, eight miles, it will bring us to a point 
about four miles northwest of Methuen village. A line due south from 
this point, will pass a little over two miles to the west of the above village. 



and strike the Merrimack Eiver about three and a half miles above the 
upper bridge at Lawrence, and within about one and a half miles of 
the present southwest corner of Methuen. This last named line, was the 
old western bound of Haverhill, as confirmed in 1667, and continued 
until 1725. 

A glance at the foregoing map, will show, that the town then included 
the largest part of Methuen ; a large part of Salem and Plaistow ; all of 
Atkinson ; and a good share of Hampstead. 

In 1667, the highway " down the vallay to Holt's Eocks " was ordered 
to be laid out ; but, with the impression that it would not be much used, 
the town considerately accompanied the order with a proviso that those 
who used the highway should keep it in repair. 

At the same time a vote was passed declaring that the inhabitants 
should keep the places assigned them by the committee in the meeting 
house, under a penalty of two shillings six-pence. The selectmen were 
ordered to see that the rule was attended to. John Hutchins was, how- 
ever, excepted ; — probably on account of his large interest in the house, 
for building the gallery. 

Another lot of " accommodation " land was laid out in July of the same 
year. The following are the names and the number of acres laid out to 
each man : — 

" Mr AVard six & twenty 


Job Clements''' 


James Davis sen & jun 


Hugh Sherratt 


George Browne 


John Eobinson 


John Eaton sen 


Goodman Butler 


Henry Palmer 


Henry Savage 


Eobert Eyre 


Joseph Merrie 


Oldgood Eyre 


George Corley 


John Ayres 


Mill Lotf 


"VVm White 


James Pecker 


Goodman Peasley 


Eichard Littlehale 


Goodman Guile 


Mr Coffin 


Goodman Tiler 


John Eemington 


Mr Clements, John, & Job 


Eobt Swan 


Old Goldwine 


John Hutchings 


Goodman Heath 


Daniel Ella 


Andrew Grealey 


Joseph Johnson 


Goodman Noise 


John Davis 


Thos Haile 


Job ClementS"-- 


Thos Davis 


Daniel Hendricks 


Goodman Ladd 


John Eobinson 


Goodman Williams 


o It will be noticed there were three of this name. 

t In all the drafts and divisions of land, the "Mill Lot" is mentioned as receiving a portion, or lot. 


At the annual town meeting of 1668, "John Johnson was chosen Mod- 
erator for the present meeting." This is the first mention we find of such 
an officer, in the records, though one was regularly chosen afterward. 

At the same time, a committee was chosen, to whom the inhabitants 
were to " make known by what title they lay any claim to any land in 
the town." 

Several absentees from town meeting were fined for the offence. This 
illustrates one of the marked characteristics of the early settlers of the 
colony. Not to do that which ought to be done, was considered as worthy 
of punishment, as to do that which ought not to be done. It was neces- 
sary that there should be town meetings, to transact the business of the 
town; therefore every voter ought to attend, and do his part of the labor; 
and, hence, if he did not, he neglected his duty ; and a neglect of duty 
was considered deserving of punishment ; and being so considered, they 
never failed to administer it when occasion called for it. This is the key 
to much in their history that at first seems strange and inconsistent. They 
believed that extravagance in dress was not only foolish, but wrong ; — 
and they punished the offender. They believed the Sabbath to be a day 
set apart for a rest from secular labors ; — and they punished him who 
would not so observe it. They considered worship a duty, and religious 
meetings a part of worship"; therefore, every man was obliged to attend 
religious services, and help pay for their support. They were stern men, 
— those old Puritans, — and did some hard things ; but they were men of 
inflexible fidelity to their convictions of right and duty ; and though we 
may dissent from their judgment, we cannot but honor them for their good 
intentions, and their uncompromising hostility to what they believed to 
be wrong. 

The town continued to be exceedingly jealous for the timber ; almost 
every year, a vote was passed for its preservation, and this year, a fine of 
ten shillings was imposed upon any person, who should fall a white, red, 
or black-oak tree, within the town's limits, "for staves, heading, logs for 
boards, or any thing else for transportation, without leave from the Select 
men from year to year." 

At the same meeting, Nathaniel Saltonstall was chosen Town Eecorder 
and Clerk of the Writs ; in which offices he continued until 1 700, — a 
period of thirty-two years. At the May session of the General Court, 
" Capt Nathaniel Saltonstall " was (in answer to a petition) authorized to 
join persons in marriage." 

° Mr. James Savage, \\ho ha.s made extensive historical and genealogical researches, stated at a meeU 
Ing of the Massachusetts Historical Society some time since, that he had discovered no record of a mar^ 
riage performed by a clergyman in New England prior to 1686, except in George's Province by 4 



Nathaniel Saltonstall was descended from an ancient and highly re- 
spectable family in Yorkshire, England. His grandfather, Sir Eichard 
Saltonstall, was the first named associate of the six original patentees 
of Massachusetts, and one of the first Assistants, and was present at their 
coui't, August 23, 1630. He came over in the same ship with Governor 
AYinthrop, in 1630, and was the leader among the first settlers of Water- 
town. He brought over with him three sons and two daughters. He 
returned to England in the spring of 1631, taking with him his two 
daughters and his youngest son. He did not return to America. His 
father, Richard, was born in 1610, and came to America with his father, in 
1630. He was admitted a freeman in 1631. In November of the same 
year, he returned to England, where he remained about four years and a 
half, and married Meriell Gurdon, daughter of Brampton Gurdon, of Suf- 
folk, with whom he again embarked for America, in 1635. Upon his 
arrival, he settled in Ipswich, and was elected Deputy to the General 
Court in the same year. He was elected Assistant in 1637, and continued 
to be elected annually, until 1649, when he again returned to England, 
He was in America twice afterward, and returned to England finally in 
1683, and died at Hulme, April 29, 1694, aged 84. 

Nathaniel, was born in Ipswich, and graduated at Harvard, in 1659, 
He married Elizabeth Ward, daughter of Eev. John Ward, of Haverhill, 
December 28, 1663, and settled in this town about the same time, upon 
that beautiful estate half a mile east of the village, which was conveyed 
to him by his father-in-law, on the occasion of his marriage. In 1664, 
his father also deeded him eight hundred acres of land " on his marraige." 
In 1665, he was chosen Captain of the military company in town; was 
afterward appointed Colonel ; and, still later, was elevated to the impor- 
tant post of Major. He was regularly chosen Assistant from 1679 to 
1686, when the charter of Massachusetts Bay was taken away, and he was 
named in the commission as one of " the council of the Governor of Massa- 
chusetts Bay." As he had a few days before taken the oath of Assistant 

clergyman of the Church of England. The statement elicited some discussion. It W£is accounted for by 
the fact that marriage was considered hy the Puritans to be a civil contract and not a religious rite. In 
abjuring the forms and ceremonies of the Established Church as offshoots of Popery, the marriage sacra- 
ment was also abandoned. Winthrop's History of New England contains the following : — 

" 1647, 4, 4th day, 6th month. There was a great marriage to be solemnized at Boston. The Jjride- 
groom being of Hingham, Mr. Hubbard's church, he was procured to preach, and came to Boston to that 
end. But the magistrates, hearing of it, sent to him to forbear. The reasons were : 1. For that his 
spirit had been discovered to be averse to our ecclesiastical and civil government: and he was a bold man 
and would speak his mind. 2. We were not willing to bring in the English custom of ministers perform- 
ing the solemnities of marriage, which sermons at such times might induce; but if any ministers were 
present, and would bestow a word of exhortation, &c„ it was permitted," 


under the old charter, he refused the latter appointment, and, upon the 
deposition of Sir Edmund, he became one of the Council which took 
the government of the Colony into their hands. He continued in this 
office until the arrival of the Charter of William and Mary, wherein he 
was appointed one of their Majesty's Council. 

In 1680, he went with the Deputy Governor and others, " with 60 sol- 
diers, in a ship and sloop from Boston, to still the people at Casco Bay, 
& prevent Gov Andros's usurpation." In 1683, he was appointed by the 
Crown one of the Commissioners " to examine & enquire into the claims 
& titles, as well of his Majesty as others, to the Narraganset country," to 
which important mission he attended. 

lie was a man of superior powers of mind, and rare talent. In 1692, 
he was appointed one of the judges in a special commission of Oyer and 
Terminer, for the trial of persons accused of witchcraft, at Salem. With a 
high-minded liberality, and freedom from the bigotry and superstition of the 
time, worthy of his immediate ancestry, he refused to serve in that com- 
mission, from conscientious scruples. Brattle, in his account of the witch- 
craft, says : " Maj N Saltonstall Esq, who was one of the judges, has left 
the court, & is very much dissatisfied with the proceedings of it." His 
bold stand was powerful for good. It opened the eyes of the masses to 
the enormity and fearful tendency of the delusion ; — the charm was 
hrohen, and the excitement soon subsided. It is no small honor to his 
memory, and satisfaction to his descendants, that he was not carried away 
by this dreadful fanaticism. 

Mr. Saltonstall lived to a good old age, and died May 21st, 1707. He 
left three sons, Gurdon, Eichard, and Nathaniel. His only daughter mar- 
ried (1st) Eev. John Dennison, and (2d) Kev. Eolland Cotton, of 

The town voted, in 1668, that one of the former Selectmen should be 
re-elected each year; but the very next year it was " set aside for this 
year," and in the year following, it was repealed altogether. Why this 
obviously sensible and important rule should have been so soon abolished, 
seems somewhat surprising. Perhaps it should be referred to their well 
known opposition to succession in office, or, most probable, to the fact, 
that the office of Selectman in those days, included " hard work and poor 
pay," and it was not easy to find men willing, or even able, to accept the 
onerous position two years in succession. 

The Selectmen of this year were directed "to provide a herdsman or 
herdsmen, and bulls, for the use of the town," Those who lived without 


the compass of Pond Eiver and the Great Plain-' fence," were to '* pay 
6d a head for privileges of herdsmen & bull." 

It was also ordered " that what papers shall be brought to the Eecorder, 
to be entered in the town book of Eecords, it shall be in his power to rec- 
ord them, provided, that Ensign Browne, James Davis Jun, & Kobert Cle- 
ments Jr, give their assent." The Eecorder was sometimes troubled, it 
seems, by persons wanting papers recorded on the town books, which 
properly belonged elsewhere, or were not worth recording, and he fre- 
quently drops a hint to that effect in his record. Thus, he introduces his 
record of several deeds with the following note: — "The copy of several 
Deeds, which to satisfy the grantees, are entered, who they are told that 
it is no legal County Eecord of Deeds," 

The only new names met with this year in the records, are Henry 
Kingsbcry, and John Eemington. 

The highway from Haverhill Ferry to Topsfield was accepted in the 
spring of 1669, as we learn from the Ipswich Court Eecords. 

That town ofl&ces were not much sought for in those times, may be 
judged from the fact that the town, having chosen Thos. "Whittier con- 
stable, voted, that he should be excused, provided he presented some one 
to take his place whom the Selectmen should declare satisfactory. 

Upon a complaint made by Mr. Ward for want of wood, it was voted 
to add ten pounds to his salary (which was fifty pounds), and that the 
Selectmen should annually expend it in procuring him cord-wood, at six 
shillings per cord. 

Among the votes passed at the same meeting, we find the following 
curious one : — " The town, by a major vote, did make choice of Andrew 
Greely, sen., to keep the ferry at Haverhill ; provided that he agree and 
will carry over the Inhabitants of the town, and the inhabitants of the 
town of Merrimack, [Bradford] over against us, for three pence an horse, 
and a penny a man ; and that he will carry all Ministers over free that 
come upon visitation to us, and in particular Mr Symes ;f & that, if the 
inhabitants of the town over against us do come over to meet with us on 
the sabbath days, they shall have the free use of the ferry boat, or boats, 
for the occasion, without paying anything." They also stipulated that 
he should pay the widow of the former ferrymanj forty shillings. 

° Pond River, was the outlet to Great Pond ; and the Great Plain, was the plain east of the village. 

t The person here referred to, was Rev. Zachariah Symmes, of Bradford, a man of considerable note 
and learning, and much beloved by his own people, as well as esteemed by his neighbors across the river. 
Sir. Symmes was educated at Cambridge, and graduated in 16j7. He came to Bradford sometime pre- 
vious to 1663, at which date he was their minister, though he was not ordained until 1682. He remaine4 
with them until his death, in 1707. 

J Mr. Simons, 


This year a new bridge was built over Little River, where the present 
Winter Street Bridge stands. The old bridge had become much out of re- 
pair, and though it was considered that the " present sawmill owners were 
engaged to do it," yet when the question was put to Thos. Davis, in town 
meeting, he plainly answered, " I will not." Upon this, the meeting 
voted to prosecute him, but the next vote declared this vote to be " nulled 
and void." Finally, a committee was chosen to "compound the matter 
with Davis, & to build a new bridge." The inhabitants were each obliged 
to contribute a portion of labor toward constructing it. 

From a vote passed this year, we learn that the first half of Mr. Ward's 
yearly salary was paid by a "collection of estates," in August, and all 
other charges and. debts were paid by " a collection of estates, in Novem- 
ber, or December, annually." Upon notice by the Selectmen, every man 
was obliged to bring in to them an account of his estates. If any man ne- 
glected or refused to do this, or brought in a false account, it was " in the 
power of the Selectmen to rate such persons by will, and doom as they 
please upon account of their defect." 

The town still continued to be troubled about a corn-mill, as will be 
seen by the following record of a special town meeting, held September 
17, 1669: — 

" This meeting being warned to take some order about a corn-mill, the 
town being wholly destitute of any ; Andrew Greeley,* in whose hands the 
mill was, being about to carry on a mill at the East meadow river, upon 
the motion & desire of the town, did promise to take the frame down at 
the little river, & bring it up & raise it at the place where the former mill 
was ; f many of the inhabitants at the same time promising to allow him 
freely some help towards the taking the frame down & raising it again." 

The powers of the Selectmen, as defined by the town the same year, 
were as follows : — 

" That the Selectmen shall carefully endeavour the strict observation of 
all orders made by the town, and shall take all fines, if not peaceably 
paid, by distress, which shall be due upon the breach of said order, unless 
they shall see good ground to the contrary, & shall make return to the 
town, at the general yearly march meeting, of what they have done in 
this matter, & how they have disposed of the fines. 

" That the Selectmen shall see to, & pay all debts due from the town in 
their year, or just J arrears according to their discretion the fines that are 
due to the town, or by rates in general upon the inhabitants. 

* Andrew Greely was by trade a shoe-maker. He was in Haverhill in 16i6 and in 1672. At the latter 
date, he was 52 years of age. He died previous to 1712. 
t The former mill stood on Mill Brook. t Adjust. 


" That the Selectmen shall timely make all rates that shall be neces- 
sary for the defraying of the town's debts, upon the estates of the inhabi- 

" That the Selectmen have power to call town meetings as they shall 
see necessary, they giving timely and sufficient notice to the inhabitants, 
according to law. 

" That the Selectmen shall take special care that all those laws of the 
country are observed & kept by the neglect whereof the town may any 
way be liable to be fined by authority ; and also that the town be kept 
from all charges." 

The General Court for October, ordered, " that George Broune be left, 
and James Parker ensigne, to Hauerill millitary company, vnder the con- 
duct of ^jathaniel Saltonstall, capt." =■* 

On the seventeenth of November, there was a "thanksgiving for relief 
from droutht & lengthening out the harvest." f 

The only new name we find in the Town Kecords of this year, is that 
of Samuel Colbie. 

• Col.Rec. tibid. 



1670 TO 1675. 

In examining the records of our town for the past two hundred years, 
one cannot fail to note the great changes that have taken place in that 
time. Habits, customs, laws, and language, have all yielded, in a'greater 
or less degree, to the ever active and never tiring power of — progress. 
A striking illustration of this fact is seen in the history of our common 

For several years previous to 1670, (viz.: from 1661) a school-master 
had been employed to keep a school in the town, but the records, up"" to 
this time, give us no hints in addition to that simple fact, except that he 
was paid ten pounds per annum by the town for such service. But in the 
records of the annual meeting of 1670, we find the following, which throws 
much additional light upon the matter: — "It is ordered by a major or 
free vote of the inhabitants, that the Selectmen shall agree with a School 
Master for the keeping of a school in the town of Haverhill, who shall 
allow him Ten pounds annually, to be rated upon the inhabitants proportion- 
able to their estates according to the way of making Mr Ward's rates ; & 
what children do come to him to be taught, the selectmen being to provide 
a convenient place to keep the school in, shall pay to the schoolmaster ac- 
cording as he & the parents or masters of such as come to be taught can 
agree for, provided that he do not ask for a child or person more than is 
usually given in other towns by the year." 

From the above, we learn that the ten pounds paid by the town, was in 
addition to the amount received by the school-master from the parents of 
his pupils. As to the latter sum, we can find no definite account, or even 
hint, in the records. Previous to this time, the school had been kept in 
8ome private house, but the number of the scholars had now become so 
large, it was considered necessary that a building should be erected ex- 
pressly for the purpose, and at the same meeting the following vote was 
passed : — 

"Voted 'that forthwith there shall be a house erected & built as near 

the meeting house that now is, as may be, which may be convenient for 

the keeping of a public school in, & for the service of a watch-house, & 

for the entertainment of such persons on the sabbath days at noon as 

shall desire to repair thither, & shall not repair between the forenoon & 


afternoon exercises to their own dwellings : which house is to he erected 
upon that which is now the town's common land or reserved for public 

The town also voted that in case the contributions voluntarily offered 
were not sufficient to erect the school-house, that they should be laid aside, 
and the whole charge be paid by a public rate (tax) upon the inhabitants 
The charge of the work was left to William White, Peter Ayers and 
Nathaniel Saltonstall. Thomas AVasse was chosen to keep the school the 
ensuing year. A striking illustration of the financial condition of the town 
at this period, is found in the fact that Wasse's salary for 1668 was not 
paid until more than three years afterward. 

At the same meeting, the " powers of the selectmen" were defined. The 
following is the substance. They had power: 1. To order and appoint 
when Mr. Ward's salary should be paid, levy rates for the same, and to 
take them by distress if not paid otherwise. 2. To observe all orders of 
the town, and collect all fines. 3. To pay all debts of the town, by fines 
due, or by rates in general. 4. To make all rates necessary to defray the 
town's debts. 5. To call town meetings at discretion. 6. To see that 
all laws of the County were observed and kept. 7. To act in all pruden- 
tial affairs of the town according to law. 8. To observe all orders of the 
town as near as they can. 

The same record informs us that Henry Palmer refused to serve as Con- 
stable after being chosen, and "was fined according to law ! " 

Our ancestors must have been early risers, as we notice that the town 
meetings often commenced at seven o'clock, A. M., and were never adjourned 
to a later hour than eight, A. M. 

If any suppose that " talking in town meeting " has increased in these 
latter days, we would remind them that as early as the time of which we 
now write, it fref(uently took three days to transact the business at the 
annual meetings, notwithstanding they commenced at such an early hour 
as above mentioned. The time occupied, and the small number of votes 
usually passed, clearly indicate that our early townsmen were not at all 
deficient in the " gift of gab." 

One of the noticable peculiarities of the Town Eecords about this time, 
is, that the Eecorder gives the names of those who " dissented" from any 
vote passed by the town. It is somewhat remarkable that but very few 
names are thus recorded : especially when we consider that so much time 
was spent in discussions, and that nearly all town matters, large and 
small, were acted upon directly by the inhabitants, in Town Meeting 


About this time the town resolved that no vote should be valid that was 
passed after sunset — an excellent regulation. 

From the Court Eecords we learn, that, in 1671, a thatched house, be- 
longing to one Matthias Button, and situated somewhere near the present 
house of Mr. Thomas West, (one mile northeasterly from the village) was 
burnt. The incident is worthy of mention, principally, from the fact that 
it was a " thatched " house, and we find but few intimations in the records 
of the time, as to the style of houses in the town. 

Button was a Dutchman and seems to have been an unusually moveable 
one. He first lived in the village, then in the western part of the town, 
then in the eastern, and finally settled where his house was burned. Eev. 
Thomas Cobbett say that Button came to this country in 1628, with the 
first governor of Massachusetts. He was of Ipswich in 1639, and came 
to Haverhill in 1646, from that place. He died in 1672, at a great age.* 

From the fact that a Committee was chosen to find if they could, one of 
the highways which had been previously laid out by the town, we judge 
that such laying out was not as thoroughly done as it is at present. It 
may also be mentioned in this place, as a suggestive fact, that no record 
is made of any work whatever done to highways, (unless we except two or 
three bridges,) until long after the period of which we write. Their best 
and only highways were merely paths, or tracks, ungraded, and bridgeless, 
except here and there a rude bridge across the larger streams. 

From the record of the same meeting, we make the following extract : — 

"Eobert Emerson, Ephraim Davis, & John Heath Jun, desiring to take 
the oath of fidelity to this Colony, it was administered to them by N Sal- 
tonstal, Commissioner." 

At this time, no one was allowed to vote in the nomination of magis- 
trates, and choice of deputies, (Representatives) unless he had taken the 
" freeman's oath," or "oath of fidelity." A man might be a freeholder 
and not a freeman, and vise versa. He might be a voter in town affairs, 
and yet neither be a freeholder nor a freeman. A freeman was one who 
had taken the freeman's oath.f A freeholder was one who, either by grant, 
purchase, or inheritance, was entitled to a share in all the common and 
undivided lands. When any town officers were to be chosen, or money 

«5 By his wife Lettiee, he had Mary, baptised February 23, 1634; and Daniel, February 22, 1635. By 
his wife Teagle, he had six children (see appendix). He married Elizabeth Duston in 1603. Daniel, 
probably a son of Matthias, was in Lothrop's company, and was killed at Bloody Brook battle, Sep- 
tember 18, 1675. 

t At first, (1631) only members of the church were admitted freemen • — "For time to come noe man 
shalbc admitted to the freedome of this boily polliticke, but such as are members of some of the churches 
within the lymits of the same." — Col. Rec. 1 — 87. 


raised by way of rate, all the inhabitants could vote ; but when a magis- 
trate was to be nominated, or Deputy to General Court chosen, only free- 
men were allowed that privilege. 

The town was yet in want of more corn mill accommodations, and as 
those to whom had been granted the exclusive privilege of erecting such 
mills in town, seemed, for some reason, to be unable, or disinclined, to 
supply them, it was voted (March 7, 1671,) that " John Haseltine or any 
other man, have free liberty to build a mill to grind corn in the town of 
Haverhill, either upon the west river' called the sawmill river, or upon 
east meadow river, f" 

At the annual meeting in 1672, the selectmen were ordered "to pro- 
vide, at the town's cost, a place in the Meeting House, according to law, 
to secure the town's stock of powder, & other ammunition." At this meet- 
ing Eobert Emerson and wife brought to the town meeting the orphan 
child of Eichard and Hannah Mercer, and desired the town to take care of 
it, and also to pay them for nursing it above a year past. The town or- 
dered the selectmen to provide for it, and to pay Eobert Emerson what they 
should find due him, and also to " address the County Court next at Salis- 
bery to have order from them, & counsel how to dispose of the said child, 
and maintain the same." Providing for their poor, as a town, was evi- 
dently a new business for them at this time. This, we believe, was the first 
case where application was made to them to support a pauper. The next, 
was the case of Hugh Sherratt, in 1677, which we have already noticed. 

At the same meeting it was voted, " that the Selectmen shall hire 
Thomas Wasse for a school master to learn such as shall resort to him, to 
write & read as formerly, who shall be the settled schoolmaster for the 
town, until the Town take further order : provided that they do not allow 
the said Thomas "VVasse more than Ten pounds by the year ; he having the 
like liberty to agi'ee with the parents or masters of those that come to him 
as formerly." 

At the very next annual meeting, this yearly salary was, by vote, 
" taken ofi", & no more to be allowed or rated for." Probably the amount 
received from the parents of the pupils had now, in the opinion of the 
town, become suf&cicnt for the teacher's support, without this annual 

From the Court Eecords of this year, we learn that two Indians, named 
Simon and Samuel, were fined five pounds, " for stealing Englishmen's 

° Little River. 

t "East Meadow river," was tlie stream running; from Pcaslee's mill, nearly south, and emptying into 
the Merrtmack, at Cottle's Ferry ; passing about one-fourth of a mile cast ot the East Parish Meeting 


This Simon, or Sjmon, was one of the "Christian," or "converted" 
Indians, many of whom lived among the settlers, worked for them, and 
partially adopted civilized habits. Some of these demi-savages subse- 
quently became exceedingly troublesome to the settlers, and one of the 
worst, was this very Symon, who for several years made his home in this 
town, and Amesbury. He is described by one of the writers of the time, 
as " the arch villain and incendiary of all the eastward Indians " ; and he 
seems to have been an active spirit in several of the principal attacks upon 
the English in this vicinity. 

Upon the Files of the Hampton Court for this year, (1672) we find the 
following curious order of Court : — 

"At a Courte holden at Hampton, 8th of 8th mo. This Court being 
informed that John Littlehale of Haverhill, liveth in an house by himself 
contrary to the law of the Country whereby hee is subject to much sin ; and 
having had information of some of his accounts which are in no way to be 
allow'd of but disproved and discountenanced, doe therefore order that the 
said John doe forthwith, at farthest, within the time of six weeks next 
after the date hereof remove himself from the said place and solitary life 
and settle himself in some orderly family in the said towne and bee sub- 
ject to the orderly rules of family goverment in said family (unless hee 
remove out of the said towne within the time) and if he doe not perform 
this order as abovesaid then this Courte doth order that the Selectmen doe 
forthwith order and place the said John to bee in some orderly family as 
abovesaid, which if he shall refuse to submit unto, then these are in his 
majesties name to require the Constable of said town upon his knowledge 
of it, or information, to apprehend the person of said John and carry him 
to the house of correction in Hampton, there to bee kept and sett to work 
untill hee shall be freed by order of authority ; and this order shall bee a 
discharge and security." 

This order had the desired effect. John immediately removed to " some 
orderly family."- If, however, the order was intended as a hint that 
he ought to take to himself a wife, John was not over hasty in taking the 
hint, as he did not give up a "jolly bachelor's life " m\i\\ joi'ty-f our years 
afterward, when he had attained the respectable age of sixty-six years. 
He then married and became the father of two children. 

At the annual meeting for 1678, the Clerk was ordered to enter " in the 
book" all the previous orders and grants of the town " which stand in 
loose papers & sheets." This vote accounts for the promiscuous manner 

<* John Littlehale, son of Richard, one of the pioneer settlers of the town, was horn November 27, 1650. 
He was the third of a family of twelve children. His mother's maiden name was Mary Lancton. 


in which the votes and grants of the town are recorded in the old book of 
Eecords. They were many of them first written on "loose papers & 
sheets," and when finally recorded, no regard was paid to their dates. 
Indeed, many of them are without date, making it difiicult, and in some 
cases impossible, to assign them correctly. 

At the same meeting, " John Hutchins, having built galleries" in the 
meeting-house, was " allowed to sell seats or priveleges in the same to any 
one" ; Eobert Swan was ordered to "pull down " a ditch he had made 
across one of the town's highways, or be prosecuted ; and Abraham ^Vhit- 
ticker, having failed to pay his rent of "sispense a year," for a certain 
piece of land belonging to the town, the latter took it into their own hands 
again. Abraham had occupied the land thirteen years, and had paid 
nothing. He must have been poor indeed, as he candidly told the town he 
was, when called on to know if he would pay his rent. 

From the Hampton records, we learn, that on the 24th of September of 
this year, " There was a storme of raine and snow so that the ground was 
covered with snow, & some of it continued until the 26th." 

When the older towns on the Merrimack were first settled, large quanti- 
ties of sturgeon were taken from the river, which were not only used and 
highly valued as an article of diet, but pickled and packed in kegs for 
transportation. Frequent allusions to this subject are made in the State 
and County records, and in old account books. Wood, who visited America 
in 1633, says: " Much sturgeon is taken on the banks of the Merrimack, 
twelve, fourteen, eighteen feet long, pickled and sent to England." We 
think that either his fish or the story must have been somewhat stretched, 
to come up to the number of feet given ! The Massachasetts Indians 
named the river Monomack, signifying sturgeon, of which they are said 
to have taken large quantities annually. 

We do not learn that many of these fish were ever put up in this town 
for exportation, but in the towns below, (Newbury and Salisbury) it was 
at one time quite an extensive business. In 1656, "a keg of sturgeon, 
ten shillings," was among the charges for entertaining an ecclesiastical 
council at Salisbury. In 1667, Israel Webster testified "that he carried 
twenty two firkins & kegs of sturgeon from William Thomas' cellar to 
send to Boston." In 1670, Joseph Coker was licensed by the County 
Court "to make sturgeon in order to transport." In 1680, the Court 
licensed Thomas Rogers " to make sturgeon, provided he shall present the 
court with a bowl of good sturgeon every Michaelmas court. "=■•■= As late 

* Hist. Newbury. 


as 1733, and probably later, the business was carried on quite largely in 

While the towns below seem to have nearly monopolized the sturgeon 
fishery, Haverhill was for a long time largely engaged in the curing and 
exportation of salmon and alewives. Previous to the building of dams 
and bridges across the Merrimack, its falls were noted for their salmon 
and its tributary streams for their alewive fisheries. 

The falls of PenUickett, (Haverhill) Pawtucket, (Lowell) Namosheag, 
(Manchester) and Pennycooh, (Concord) were favorite places of resort for 
the Indians, during the fishing season, and, in consequence, became in time 
the seat of extensive Indian settlements, the difi"erent communities, or 
tribes, being known and distinguished by their place of settlement. 

Haverhill, from its favorable situation at the head of sloop navigation, 
and tide water, and at the first falls of the river, was not only one of the 
earliest and latest engaged in these fisheries, but also the largest. From 
the year 1654:, when Stephen Kent was granted liberty " to place a wear 
in Little River, to catch alewives," and 1657, when Thomas Hutchins was 
permitted "to set a wear in the Merrimack near the falls." until within 
the last twenty years, its fisheries have been no small item in the trade 
and commerce of the town. Persons aie still living who remember when 
nice dried salmon was so plenty in town, as to be a " drug" in trade, and 
well nigh unsaleable at the low price of four or five cents per pound ; 
and, in the fishing season, fine fresh salmon sold for even less than the 
price stated. It is well authenticated, that at one time it was nowise un- 
common to stipulate in the indentures of apprentices, that they should 
not be obliged to eat salmon oftener than six times a week! As the 
streams and outlets of the ponds became obstructed, and their waters 
defiled, by dams, mills, and bridges, the supply of salmon rapidly 
diminished, and at the present time but few are annually taken in the 
Merrimack, while the quality of these is much inferior to those of former 

The same causes which prevented the salmon from continuing their an- 
nual visits to the ponds and streams of the interior, to deposit their spawn, 
also diminished the number of alewives. The latter, however, being less 
nice in their tastes, continued to " run " somewhat later than the former. 
It is but a few years since alewives were caught in considerable numbers 
in Little Eiver, near the factory on AVinter Street. 

Next to salmon and alewives, shad should be noticed in an account of 
our fisheries. We regret, however, that we have been unable to obtain 
much definite information in regard to this branch of business At one 


time it was carried on extensively, and, during the fishing season, gave 
profitable employment to hundreds of persons on the Merrimack. Shad 
were from time immemorial used by the Indians of New England to man- 
ure their corn, and from them the first settlers learned to use it for the 
same purpose. Whether they also used them as an article of diet, we 
have no means of knowing ; but from the fact that salmon, every way 
richer and superior, were so plentiful, and easily obtained, we are confi- 
dent that shad were not at first considered of much account as food. Even 
within the memory of persons now living, they have at times been caught 
in such large numbers as to be unsaleable, except for manure. It was no 
unusual occurrence to catch several hundreds at a single haul, even in the 
small seines used in the last century. In the Neio Hampshire Gazette, 
for May 13, 1760, we find the following item, illustrative of our point: — 

" SnAD. — One day last week was drawn by a net at one draft Two 
Thousand Five Hundred and odd Shad Fish out of the Eiver Merrimack 
near Bedford in this Province. Thought remarkable by some people." 

In these days, when fifty is reckoned a remarkably large " haul," even 
with our double seines, of twenty rods in length, the above number seems 
almost incredible. 

The causes we have already enumerated, also diminished the number of 
shad in the river, and since the erection of dams at Lowell, Lawrence, and 
other places, this branch of our fisheries has ceased to be profitable, 
and will doubtless soon be abandoned altogether. Bass are still caught 
here, in their season, but not in suificicnt numbers to offer much induce- 
ment to engage in the business, or to have it reckoned as a branch of our 

The town seems to have been ever watchful and jealous of its timber. 
The very first vote of the first recorded meeting of the town, was to pre- 
vent its unnecessary destruction. When we remember that the town was 
theiT covered with a thick and heavy growth of wood ; that an untrodden, 
and seemingly inexhaustable wilderness stretched itself between here and 
Canada, in which no smoke curled from the home of a white man ; it 
seems almost unaccountably strange that they should "have been so careful 
of their timber. But so it was. No man was allowed to cut down more 
trees than he needed to supply his house fire for the season, or to furnish 
lumber for his own use. As "pipe staves" became an article of trade 
and export, and a convenient means to supply a few shillings of hard 
money to the settlers, the town voted that no one should have liberty to 
make more than "one hundred for every acre his house-lot contained," 
under the severe penalty of five shillings for every tree he felled more than 


was required to make his proportion. The exportation of lumber was also 
forbidden. It seems, however, that notwithstanding the severe penalties 
attached, these regulations were sometimes violated, and finally, the thing 
was done so openly, and extensively, that a town meeting was called (Jan. 
1, 1674), to consider the matter- The whole time of the meeting was oc- 
cupied in a consideration of this one subject, and it was finally voted 
unanimously, that timber for staves, heading, ship timber, or frames of 
houses, should not be transported out of town, or even "brought to water 
side." At the ensuing March meeting, a surveyor of boards, and a culler 
of staves, were chosen for the first time. James Pecker was chosen to 
the first, and Kobert Clement to the latter office. 

We have before noticed that the town seemed particularly desirous of 
securing the settlement of mechanics among them. That the cases men- 
tioned were not merely instances of strong personal friendship or influence, 
is evident from the general tenor of the record. Mechanics were needed 
to assist in developing the natural resources of the town, and as their 
presence and labor would add to the general comfort and prosperity, the 
town did not hesitate to oiFer to all such as seemed worthy, every possible 
inducement to settle among them. 

At the meeting last mentioned, (March, 1674,) John Keyzar of Salem, 
was granted a piece of land, with privileges on the common, &c., if he 
would come " and set up his trade of tanner." He did so, and in 1682 
the town confirmed the grant to him and his heirs forever. 

That the duties of the Selectmen were not only manifold, but their pay 
not at all extravagant, may be judged from the fact that, among other 
things, they were " to have some one to sweep the meeting house duly, 
decently and orderly," and that their annual pay for all their services, 
was the sum of fifty shillings, which was to be distributed among them, 
'* to each man according to his services." 

The subject of the town bounds, which had been permitted to rest quiet- 
ly for a few years following the running of the line in 1667, as we have 
already noted, was again brought up in 1674, by a request from the Se- 
lectmen of Haverhill, that the bounds might be " perfected." 

A reference to the report of John Parker to the General Court, under 
date of 1667, will show that at that time the line north from the point 
due west of the meeting house was started, but left unfinished. After 
waiting nearly seven years, and finding that the work was not likely to be 
" perfected " without an effort on their part, the town directed the Select- 
men to attend to the matter at once. The Selectmen thereupon employed 


Jonathan Danforth, a somewhat distinguished surveyor, to finish the work 
begun in 1667. He did so, and at the May session of the General Court 
in 1675, presented the following report: 

" Att the request of the Selectmen of Hauerill, the bounds of the sajd 
toune were perfected as followeth : From Hoults Eocks wee ran due north 
west, according to the compasse, not allowing any variations, allowing 
Amesbury their full and just bounds, as hath binn detei*mined by the 
honoured Generall Court ; all the other Ijnes on the west side of the plan- 
tation wee ran from Merremacke Eiuer due north, vntill it cut with the 
first Ijne, where wee erected a great pillar of stones; this last Ijnewas sett 
out and begun to run, by Ensigne Noyes and Saijant Jno. Parker, at eight 
miles distance from Hauerill meetting house, vpon a due west Ijne, which 
is according to the grant of the Generall Court ; the running Ijnes on 
both sides of the plantation were well bounded by markt trees, & heapes 
of stones. Lajed out 

By Jonathan Danforth, Survejer." 

The Court approved of the return, and thus, to use the language of the 
selectmen, "perfected" the bounds of the town, according to its order 
of 1667. 

As proof that the early inhabitants of the town were " subject to frailty 
and error," we cite the following, from the records of the County Court : — 

" Nathaniel Emerson was admonished by the Court for being in com- 
pany with Peter Cross, and others, at Jonas Gregory's, and drinking of 
stolen wine."- 

" Eobert Swan was fined 20s for being drunk and cursing, "f 

" Michael Emerson was fined 5s for his cruel and excessive beating of 
his daughter with a flayle swingel, and kicking of her."| We think 
Michael had reason to congratulate himself on getting off" so easily for his 
brutal conduct. 

Two daughters of Hanniel Bosworth were fined ten shillings each for 
wearing silk.§ This was contrary to the law, for persons in their station 
of life. " Bravery in dress " was strictly forbidden. 

Hannah Button was sentenced by the Court to be whipped, or pay a 
fine of forty shillings, for misdemeanors. 

Daniel Ela was made an example of, for swearing, in the amount of ten 
shillings ; and two shillings were added for his " reviling speeches." We 
may charitably suppose that Daniel was by this not only convinced of the 
wickedness, but of the expensiveness of such conduct, and became a wiser 
and better man. 

« 1673. t 1674. : Ibid. § 1675. 




In the preceding chapters, we have followed the early settlers of our 
town, year by year, through their first third of a century, — the lifetime 
of a generation, — and, except the privations and hardships incident to all 
new settlements at that early period, we find their history one of continued 
peace and prosperity. They had increased in population and wealth from 
a small pioneer company of twelve men, until their town ranked as the 
twenty-fifth of the forty-nine towns in the Colony. They were, as far as 
we can judge, a happy, prosperous, and peaceful community. Their reli- 
gious teacher was a man distinguished for his upright Christian character, 
and, influenced by his example, his people prided themselves on the purity 
of their moral conduct, and the extreme exactness of their religious devo- 
tions. We have no hesitation in saying that there was no settlement 
in the Colony, containing a less number of idle and vicious persons, in 
proportion to the population, than Haverhill. The small number of 
prosecutions for immoral conduct, to be found on the Court Files, attest 
the truth of our declaration. Would that the record of the succeeding 
third of a century were equally pleasant to contemplate; that the peaceful, 
happy homes of Pentucket, were, for another generation, to rest undis- 
turbed and prosperous. But it is otherwise. 

The year 1675, is memorable for a war with the Indians, called King 
Phillip's War, which was the most general and destructive ever sustained 
by the infant colonies. Phillip, king of the Wampanoags, resided at 
Mount Hope, in Ehode Island, and was the grandson and successor of 
Massasoit, with whom the Plymouth colonists had made a treaty fifty 
years before. Por a long time he had been jealous of the whites, and had 
used every efi"ort to induce all the Indian tribes to unite and exterminate 
them, and thus preserve their hunting grounds and their independence. 
The immediate cause of the war, was the execution of three Indians by the 
English for the murder of one Sausaman, a Christian Indian, who had 
informed the whites of the plot Phillip was forming against them. Hav- 
ing incited them to the murder, Phillip determined to avenge their deaths, 
and commenced hostilities, and by his influence drew into the war most of 
the tribes of Xew England. Through their intercourse with the whites, the 
Indians liad acquired the use of fire-arms, and notwithstanding the strin- 


gent laws against selling or giving them guns or ammunition, they had by 
various means obtained possession of enough to do terrible execution in 
the war which now burst upon the colonists. 

Early in the year 1675, the inhabitants of Haverhill began to think 
seriously of taking measures to defend themselves from the Indians. Some 
years previous, a fortification was built around the meeting-house, but the 
peaceable appearance of the Indians, and the free intercourse that existed 
between them and the whites, had lulled all suspicion of danger, and the 
works were suffered to fall into decay. But now the Indians began to 
show symptoms of hostility, and the whole town became alarmed. A meet- 
ing was called, February 1 9th, to concert measures to prevent the threatened 
danger, and it was voted that " the Selectmen shall forthwith cause the 
fortifications (around the Meeting-house) to be finished, to make port 
holes in the walls, to right up those places that are defective and likely to 
fall, and to make a flanker at the east corner, that the work, in case of 
need, may be made use of against the common enemy." At the same time, 
Daniel Ladd, Peter Ayer, and Thomas Whittier, were appointed to desig- 
nate what houses should be garrisoned ; and the " old brush and top wood " 
on the common, was ordered to be burnt. 

In view of the impending peril, the General Court took active measures 
to protect the frontier settlements, by furnishing the troopers and militia 
with fire-arms and ammunition, and ordering the several towns to provide 
fortifications and garrisons, without delay. 

These precauti>ns were scarcely completed when the storm burst upon 
them with remorseless fury. Early in the following spring, (March 19, 
1676,) the town was startled by the intelligence that the Indians were 
crossing the Merrimack from Wamesit (Lowell). Couriers were at once 
dispatched from Haverhill and Andover, to Ipswich, for aid. Major Den- 
nison, of Ipswich, from whose letter of the above date we gather these 
particulars, writes to the Governor, that there was a gi'eat alarm in those 
towns, and he was sending up sixty men.*'-^ The rumor proved unfounded, 
but the hostile intentions of the Indians were not to be mistaken, and fear 
seized upon the people of the exposed settlements. 

The town of Andover was the first to sufl"er. In a letter to the Gover- 
nor,! (A-pril 7,) imploring for help, they inform him that their town had 
been twice attacked, and the inhabitants had begun to move away. 

Haverhill was not long permitted to escape the murderous tomahawk. 
On the 2d of May, one of its own people, Ephraim Kingsbury, was killed 
by the Indians. He is believed to have been the first person slain in this 

o State Ardiivcs. t Hjid. 


town by the savages, but the incidents connected with his death have been 
lost. The next day, (May 3d,) the house of Thomas Kimball, of Brad- 
ford, was attacked, and he was killed ; and his wife and five children, — 
Joanna, Thomas, Joseph, Priscilla, and John, — taken captive-''. Phillip 
Eastman,f of Haverhill, was captured at the same time. J 

This outrage was committed by three well known " converted Indians," 
named Spnon,^ Andrew, and Peter. \\ There is a tradition, that they set 
out with the intention of killing some one in Eowley, whom they supposed 
had injured them, but finding the night too far spent, they did not dare 
proceed further, and so avenged themeelves on Mr. Kimball. It is quite 
probable that Symon intended to wreak his vengeance on some one who 
was concerned in securing his punishment for the theft before mentioned. 
He was a cruel and blood-thirsty villain, as the following facts will abun- 
dantly show. 

Soon after her return from captivity, Mrs. Kimball addressed the fol- 
lowing petition to the Governor and Council : 
" To the Hon. Governor and Councell. 

The humble petition of Mary Kimball sheweth that Simon, the Indian 
who killed my husband, Thomas Kimball, hath threatened to kill me and 
my children if ever I goe to my own house, so that I dare not looke 
after what little I have there left, for fear of my life being taken away by 
him ; and therefore, doe humbly entreate the Hon. Governor and Councell 
that some course may be taken, as God shall direct, and your wisdoms 
shall think best, to secure him ; for I am in continual fear of my life by 
him ; and if any course may be taken for the recovery of what is yet left 
in their hands of my goods that they have not destroyed, (as there was 
two kittells and two or three baggs of linnen when I came from them) 
that I might have it restored, leaving myself and my concernes under God, 
to your wisdoms. Piemaine your humble suppliant. Mary Kimball." 

' ® The house in which Mr. Kimball lived, stood on the road leading to Boxford. The cellar was plainly 
to be seen a few years ago. Through, as it is said, the influence of Wannalancet, the chief of the Pen- 
nacooks, who was ever the friend of the English, Mrs. Kimball and her children were afterward set at 
liberty, " though she and her sucking child were twice condemned by the Indians, and the fii-es ready 
made to burn them." (I) 

t Phillip Eastman m.arried Widow Mary Morse, A'ugust22, 1678. Children, Hannah, born November 
5, 1679; Ebenezer, born February 17, 1681; Phillip, born August 18, 1684; Abij^ail, born May 28, 1689. 

t Rev. Mr. Cobbett. 

§ This Symon, or Simon, was the Indian whose horse-stealing e.xploit we mentioned in the preceding 

II John Littlehale. of this toirn, was killed by the Indians September 18, 167.3. The particulars of his 
death are now lost. 

(1) Rev. T. Cobbett's Ms., (Ipswich). 


Symon, and his two associates, soon after concluded to make peace with 
the English, who, instead of improving the opportunity to secure their 
friendship, seized Symon and Andrew, and confined them in the jail at 
Dover. They soon, however, found means to escape, joined their friends, 
and entered upon the work of vengeance in earnest. 

About the first depredation which followed their flight from Dover, was 
committed at Greenland, where they killed one John Kenniston, and burned 
his house. Symon was with the celebrated Mogg, in his assault upon 
Scarborough, October 12th, 1676 ; was the leader of the party which made 
prisoners of Anthony Brackett, and his family, at Back Cove (near Port- 
land), August 9th, of the same yeaf ; and was the alledged leader of the 
party which killed several persons in Amesbury, July 7, 1677. A woman 
named Quimby, who was wounded at the time, recognized him, and begged 
him to spare her life. He replied, " why, goodwife Quimby, do you think 
that I will kill you ? " She said she was afraid he would, because he 
killed all the English. Symon then said, " I will give quarter to never 
an English dog of you all," and immediately gave her a blow on the head, 
which not happening to hurt her much, she threw a stone at- him, 
upon which he turned upon her, and " struck her two more blows," at 
which she fell, and he left her for dead. Before he gave her the last blows, 
she called to the garrison for help. He told her she need not do that, for, 
said he, "I will have that too, by and by." Symon was well known to 
many of the inhabitants, and especially to Mrs. Quimby, as he had for- 
merly lived with her father, William Osgood.* 

In April, of the same year, Symon and his companions burnt the house 
of Edward Weymouth, at Sturgeon Creek, and plundered the house of one 
Crawley, but did not kill him, because he had shown kindness to Symon's 
grandmother.f Hubbard, (History New England) relates the incident as 
follows : — " Symon and Andrew, the two brethren in iniquity, with a few 
more, adventured to come over Piscataquo Eiver, on Portsmouth side, when 
they burnt one house within four or five miles of the town, and took a 
maid and a young woman captive ; one of them having a young child in 
her arms, with which not willing to be trovibled, they gave leave to her 
that held it, to leave it with an old woman, whom the Indian Symon 
spared because he said she had been kind to his grandmother." The cap- 
tives subsequently escaped, and revealed the names of their captors, who, 
for the reasons before given, had not been " so narrowly looked to as they 
used to do others." 

•* Ms. Documents, f Belknap. 


The war soon became general. The first considerable attack made by 
the Indians, was upon the people of Swanzey, June 24th, as they were 
returning from public worship ;■•= eight or nine persons were killed. Brook- 
field was next attacked, and every house burnt but one. During the 
month of September, Hadley, Deerfield, and !Northfield, were attacked; 
many persons were killed, and many buildings consumed. Encouraged 
by this success, they soon after burnt thirty-two houses at Springfield, and 
the inhabitants narrowly escaped a general massacre. They also laid the 
town of Mendon in ashes; and, on the 10th of the following February, 
plundered the town of Lancaster, burnt several houses, and killed and 
captured forty-two persons. Soon after, they did great mischief in Marl- 
borough, Sudbury and Chelmsford; and, on the 21st of February, two or 
three hundred Indians surprised Medfield, burnt half the town, and killed 
twenty of the inhabitants. Four days after, they burnt seven or eight 
houses in Weymouth. Early in March, they burnt the whole settlement of 
Groton ; and in the same month, they burnt five houses, and killed five 
persons in Northampton, surprised part of Plymouth, and murdered two 
families, laid the town of Warwick in ashes, and burnt forty houses in 
Eehoboth, and thirty in Providence. 

On the other hand, large numbers of Indians were destroyed by the 
colonists. In 1675, when Phillip and his army retreated into the Narra- 
ganset country, the English pursued, attacked and destroyed their fort, 
and killed seven hundred of their warriors. Besides these, there were 
three hundred who died of their wounds, and a large number of old men, 
women, and children, who had repaired to the fort for refuge. 

In 1676, the affairs of the colonists wore a less gloomy aspect. In May 
and June, the Indians appeared in various parts of the country, but their 
energy had abated. About the same time, a war broke out between Phil- 
lip and the Mohawks, (whom the former had vainly endeavored to enlist 
against the English) which deranged all his measures. On the 1 2th of 
August, 1676, the finishing blow was given to the Indian power, by the 
death of King Phillip. The subsequent winter, the severity of the season, 
and the scarcity of their provisions, reduced them to the necessity of 
sueing for peace. By the mediation of Major Waldron, of Dover, to whom 
they applied, a peace was concluded with the whole body of eastern 
Indians, which continued till the next August. In this war, the English 
lost six hundred men, twelve or thirteen towns were destroyed, and six 
hundred dwelling houses consumed. 

® The day had been set apart by the Plymouth colonists as a day of fasting and prayer, nn account of 
the impending danger. The 29th of the same month was also so obsen'ed in the Massachiisetts 
Bay colony. 


From the Journal of Captain Jolin Hull, Treasurer of the Colony, under 
date of August 24, 1676, we copy the following list of soldiers from this 
town, and the sum paid to each. 

" Haverell Towne Cr By Sundry AccjDts. Viz 24.16.08 

Samuel Huchins pd as p Assignment No 4315 00.15.06 

Nathaniel Haseltine ditto No 01.00.06 

Samuel Aires dit 00.08.06 

John Keisar dit 00.08.06 

John Clements dit 00.08.06 

Amos Singletons dit 00.05.00 

Nathaniel Lad dit 00.05.00 

Daniel Lad 00.05.00 

George Brown dit 00.13.00 

John Johnson dit 00.02.06 

Phillip Esman dit 00.15.04 

Benjamin Siugleterry dit 00.15.04 

Thomas Durston dit 00.17.10 

Thomas Eastman dit 01.04.00 

Thomas Hartshorn dit 00.12.00 

Eichard Allin dit 01.17.06 

Eohcrt Swan dit 01.17.06 

Henry Kemball dit 01.06.10 

Benjamin Grealy dit 01.00.06 

Jonathan Henrick dit 00.15.04 

John Corly dit 00.15.04 

John Eoby dit 00.08.06 

Samuel Ladd dit 03.17.00 

Thomas Kiushury dit OL 12.04 

Eobert Swan dit 01.04.00 

John Haseltine dit 01.04.00 

Samuel AVatts dit ' 00.13.06 

Joseph Bond dit 00.13.06 

The following extract from the colonial records, presents a vivid picture 
of the anxiety and distress among the people of ]\Iassachusetts, on ac- 
count of the bold and daring determination of Phillip and his allies to 
extirpate the English. The proposition to erect a fortification of such 
magnitude, shows the desperation to which they were reduced, and the 
dangers to which they were exposed : — 

" Att a court held in Boston March 23d 1676. Whereas several con- 
siderable persons have made application to us and proposed it as a necessary 
expedient for the public welfare and particularly for the security of the 
whole county of Essex and part of Middlesex from inroads of the common 
enemy, that a line or fence of stockades or stones (as the matter best 


suiteth) be made about eight feet high extending from Charles Elver where 
it is navigable unto Concord river from George Farley's house, in Bil- 
lerica, which fence this council is informed is not in length above twelve 
miles, a good part whereof is already done by large ponds that will con- 
veniently fall into the line and so forth, and so forth, by whicji means the 
whole tract will be environed for the security and safety (under God) of 
the people, their houses, goods and cattel from the rage and fury of the 
enemy." ^^ "^ ^'^ 

The court thereupon ordered one able and fit man from each of the in- 
cluded towns, to meet at Cambridge on March 3 1st, to survey the ground, 
estimate the expense, &c., and report in writing how it might be prosecuted 
and effected, and what each town should pay, &c. Nearly all the towns 
made a report. 

The peace proved to be of short duration. On the 12th of the following 
July, Eichard Saltonstall of this town, and others of Bradford, and Ando- 
ver, petitioned the General Court for "more provision for protection on 
account of present appearance and warning of danger." In reply, the 
Court ordered one-fifth of the men to be kept continually on scout, taking 
turns, so that all should bear their part ! 

Hostilities commenced soon after, and were continued the remainder of 
that year, and also during the following year ; in which period the Indians 
ravaged the country, and greatly reduced the eastern settlements. 

In the spring of 1678, commissioners were appointed to settle a formal 
treaty of peace with the Indian chiefs, — which was done at Casco. Thus 
an end was finally put to a tedious and distressing war. 

Fortunately for our town, it was not attacked during this war, though 
the inhabitants lived in continual expectation of one, and the most active 
and vigorous measures were adopted for defence. Houses were garri- 
soned, and armed scouts were kept on the watch for the enemy night and 
day, during the whole time.'-' At this distant day, we can have but a 
faint idea of the anxieties and hardships, the flickering hopes and gloomy 
fears, of those long and dreary three years of Indian warfare. 

After the ratification of peace, commerce began again to flourish, and 
the population of the country rapidly increased. New towns were settled, 
and the colonists, no longer in daily and hourly fear of being startled by 
the war-whoop of the merciless savage, once more rested in present 

' As late as 1634, thirty-five troopers were kept constantly on the scout, on the borders of Haverhill, 
Amesbury, and Salisbury; and a foot company was kept in readiness for service, in each of those towns. 




1675 TO 1688. 

During the period included in the preceding chapter, the inhabitants of 
this town were so constantly engaged in providing and sustaining means 
of defence, that we find but little to record except matters in some way 
relating to the Indian troubles. 

In 1675, the time of holding the annual town meetings was changed 
from the first Tuesday in March, to the last Tuesday in February. 

In October, the General Court assessed a tax of £1,553, 5s, 4d, on the 
towns in the Colony, to defray the expenses of the war with the Indians. 
The proportion of Haverhill was fixed at £18. Even this sum was not 
easily raised, and a town meeting was called, November 18th, "to allow 
the inhabitants to make staves enough to pay the 8 rates required by the 
country, so as to save bread coin which men cannot well live without." 

At the same meeting, Michael Emerson was chosen " to view and seal 
all leather " in the town. This is the first mention of such an officer, and 
Emerson was doubtless the first one so appointed. In 1677, Emerson 
"complained," and Andrew Greeley was "joined with him." We are 
not informed of what the former complained, but from the fact that an 
additional viewer and sealer was chosen, as a remedy for his complaint, 
we are led to suppose that the labors of the office were either too great or 
too troublesome for a single officer. As it was something new for the tan- 
ners in town to have some one specially authorized, and required, to view 
and seal their leather, it is quite probable that Emerson found his business 
anything but pleasant, and hence the popular ancient and modern remedy 
adopted, — division of responsibility. 

At the meeting of February 27, 1676, William Thompson asked to be 
" accepted a Towns-man, to dwell here and follow his trade of shoe-mak- 
ing," but, for some unexplained reason, the town refused. The Eecorder 
says, "the town by a clear and full vote do hereby reject his motion, not 
granting any such liberty or acceptance of him." 

At the next annual meeting, another shoemaker made a similar applica- 
tion, which met with even a worse fate than that of Thompson, as will be 
seen by the following, from the Eecords of the town : — 

"Fetter Patie making a motion to the town to grant him a piece of land 
to settle upon, it not being till then known to the town that he was a mar - 


ried man & a stranger, having hitherto accounted of him as a journey -man 
shoe-maker, his motion according to law was rejected. And the Moderator 
declared to him before the public assembly that the town doth not own 
him, or allow of him for an inhabitant of Haverhill, & that it was the 
duty of the G-rand-jury men to look after him." 

Pattee's (or Pettee's) proposal to become an inhabitant of the town, 
seems to have been lightly esteemed. But he was not so easily shaken off ; 
and, in spite of his cool reception, he continued to reside here until his 
death. In 1680, he was " presented" to the Court, "for being absent 
from his wife several years, and in the following year, he was presented 
for having another wife in Virginia." In 1694, he was chosen constable 
by a " pleantiful, clear, and legal paper vote." As late as 1710, he was 
the regular ferryman at " Pattee's ferry." 

Notwithstanding the unfavorable reception of Thompson and Pattee's 
applications for permission to establish themselves in town as shoemakers, 
others were soon found courageous enough to make a similar application. 
At the annual meeting in 1679, — " upon the request of Benjamin "Webs- 
ter and Samuel Parker, two young men and shooemakers, that the towns 
would give them libertie to live in this towne to follow the trade, having 
hired a house to that end ; the towne by their vote doe grant their motion, 
and accept of them so as to live in towne and follow the trade of shooe- 

Mirick expresses the opinion, that Webster and Parker were the first 
who had served a regular apprenticeship at the trade, and established 
themselves in this town, but a reference to the record in the case of Pattee 
and the fact that he then, and for years afterward, lived in town, and was 
a "journey-man shoemaker," is sufficient to establish his claim to the 
honor over the first-named. We think it nowise improbable, that Thomp- 
son, although he was refused permission to become a " towns-man," yet 
resided here, and worked at his trade of shoemaking. The vote of the 
town would not prevent this, as we have seen that it did not in the case of 

In 1677, Daniel Ela was licensed to keep an ordinary for one year; 
but the small pox breaking out in his family, he was unable to sell his 
liquors, and he petitioned the Court, at the fall term, to extend his license. 

o We find in the Town Records, under date of November 8, 1682, the marriage of Peter Patre to Sarah 
Gile, and following are the names of eight children : Moses, Benjamin, Jeremiah, Samuel, Hannah, 
Mercy, Jemima, and Benjamin, born between July 28, 1683, and May 15, 1696. We presume that this 
was the same person alluded to above. 


The Court gave tim liberty to sell " wine, liquore, Beere, Cyder, and pro- 
visions to horse and man, or travilers in Haverhill."" 

It is evident, from an examination of the Kecords, that the town con- 
tinued to be in want of more extensive mill accommodations — both for 
corn and lumber. We have already noticed the conditions upon which 
various parties had been allowed to build, and the important privileges 
granted to them upon fulfilment of such conditions. But it seems that the 
mill owners did not always come up to their part of the contract, and this 
led to bitter and frequent complaints and disappointments on the part of 
the inhabitants. Their town was • growing steadily, and, for the times, 
rapidly, and it was important that its growth should not be retarded, 
and the good temper of the inhabitants rufiied, by reason of insufficient 
mill accommodations. 

In 1675, the town voted to prosecute the owners of the sawmill, for 
non-fulfilment of their agreement. We do not find that this course amended 
matters much, and they doubtless began to consider the propriety of favor- 
ing the establishment of mills in difiierent parts of the town. They had 
already taken a step in this direction, by granting permission for a second 
corn-mill in town, a few years previously, and in 1678, the town unani- 
mously "voted that Kichard Bartlett, of Almsbury be granted the privi- 
lege to set a sawmill in Haverhill, on the north meadow river." Bartlett 
lived near the Haverhill line, and we presume that his mill was built on 
or near the site of what are now known as Peaslee's Mills. The conditions 
of the privilege were, that Bartlett should pay the regular rates (that is, 
taxes,) ; that he should " deliver at our meeting house 1000 merchantable 
per year; " should sell to the Haverhill people at three shillings per hun- 
dred ; and should secure the town from any damages recovered by the 
present saw-mill owners in consequence of the new mill, and from all 
damage to meadows. 

Five years afterward, the town voted to allow Joseph Kingsbery, Sam- 
uel Hutchins, Eobert Swan, jun., and Josiah Gage, to build a saw-mill on 
Merrie's Creek, below the bridge. In this case, the town expressly re- 
served to itself the right to allow others the same privilege on the same 
stream, which was certainly a long step toward the final abolishment of all 
monopoly in mill privileges. 

At the same meeting (1683) the subject of com mill accommodations 
came up again for consideration, as we learn from the following record : — 

*> " From an old account book I learn that this year turnips & apples were a shilling a bushel ; a day's 
mowing two shillings and two pence ; men's wages for a year ten pounds; women's wages from four to 
five pounds ; board four shillings per week, and labor two shillings per day," — Coffin. 


" The town being sensible of their great suffering for want of another 
mill to gTiud their corn ; this mill of Andrew Grelee's not being able to 
supply them or to gi-ind their corn as it ought to be done, did send to An- 
drew Grrelee to treat with him, & proposed to him the building of another ; 
Who then did refuse to accept of the proposition, & declared before the 
town that he knew there was a necessity for the town to have another 
cornmill, & that he was not at all against their having of one set up, pro- 
vided it be set upon any other brook or stream, & not upon that brook 
which his mill stands upon." 

Upon this, Stephen Dal ton " propounded for liberty to build a corn- 
mill," which request was granted. 

That it is no modern notion, to find fault with, and be suspicious of the 
integrity of town officers, is manifest from the town's voting, as long ago 
as 1679, to choose a committee to look after the accounts, &c., of the 
Selectmen for the preceding year. Their confidence had somehow become 
so much weakened, that they even voted that a similar committee should 
be chosen every year in future. 

In the early part of 1680, Haverhill was set back into Essex county. 
The following is the order of the General Court, making the change : — 

" At a General Court held in Boston the 4th day of Feb 1679-80. 

This Court being sensible of the great inconvenience & charge that it 
will be to Salisbury, Haverhill, & Almsbury, to continue their County 
Court, now some of the Towns of Norfolk are taken off, & considering that 
those towns did formerly belong to Essex, & attended at Essex Court, Do 
order that those Towns that are left be again joined to Essex, & attend 
public business at Essex Courts, there to implead & be impleaded as occa- 
sion shall be : Their records of lands being still to be kept in some one 
of their own Towns on the North of Merrimack. =•' And all persons accord- 
ing to course are to attend in Essex County. 

By the Court. Edw: Eawson Secrety." 

From the records of the General Court, we learn that twenty-two towns, 
and among them Haverhill, had not yet paid the amount they subscribed 
for Harvard College. The Court ordered the selectmen of the delinquent 
towns to enquire into the matter, and report, under a penalty of twenty 
pounds. As we hear nothing further from it, we presume the subscription 
was soon after paid, 

In the spring of this year, (March 24, 1680,) Mrs. Ward, the wife of 
the minister, died. From the testimony her husband bears to her charac- 

• The records referred to in the above order, were Bubseqnently deposited in the archives of the County, 
at Salem, where they still remain. 


ter, we learn ttat she was a woman of most exemplary life, and shining 
virtues, — a fit companion for the religious teacher of an early Xew England 
settlement. Her death was a severe blow to her surviving husband. She 
had been his constant, loving, and beloved companion, by night and by 
day, for nearly forty years. For more than a third of a century — the 
life-time of a generation — she had shared his joys and his sorrows, his 
hopes and his fears ; had comforted and cheered him when sad, gently 
chided him when erring, and had yielded him the full measure of that 
choicest and most precious of all the treasures of this life, — a woman's 
love and devotion. And now, seared and decrepit with age, with the 
blossoms of almost fore-score winters upon his head, the veteran minister 
found himself approaching the land of shadows alone. No wonder is it 
that the old man's heart sunk within him ; that his step grew unsteady, 
his voice tremulous, and his eye dim ; when the full sense of his loss and 
his loneliness revealed itself to him. A few months afterward, we find 
the following record : — 

" At a Town meeting Dec 22. 1680, held after Lecture,* ISTathl Salton- 
stall, Lieut Browne, Tho Whittier, Wm White, & Danl Ela, were chosen 
a committee to "look out for to agree with, & obtain forthwith, & pro- 
cure upon the best terms they can get, some meet & able person to be a 
present help & assistant to Mr Ward, our minister, now in his old age, in 
the work of the ministy in preaching." 

The record tells t;s that this was done " by the advice of our present 
minister." The meeting was held " after the Lecture." Suggestive 
theme! Who shall paint the picture presented to the eye at that "lec- 
ture ; " the humble, unpainted, unsteepled, uncushioned, organless, pic- 
tureless little church ; the assembled congregation ; and the white-haired 
minister ? All the members of his little flock were there ; — children, youth, 
middle-aged and old. For many, many years, he had watched over, instruct- 
ed, prayed for, and exhorted them ; had gone in and out among them at all 
times and seasons ; his benevolent smile, and sympathising voice, had been 
their comfort and solace in sickness and sorrow ; and his presence and 
counsel had smoothed the pathway of the departed to the tomb, and miti- 
gated the pangs of afflictive bereavement to the living. But his work was 
now almost completed ; his sands of life were fast running out ; his strong- 
est earthly prop had been taken away ; he was no longer able to labor 

'^' Felt says, that "Lecture Day" was Thursday, when the services commenced at 11 A. M. They were 
superceded about 1753, by monthly lectures. Evening lectures were first held about 1740. From an early 
date, Friday seems to have been the Lecture Day in this town. Dr. Hezekiah Smith is said to have 
been the first one who held evening meetings in the town. 


with ttem and for them as in times past ; and, with trembling voice and 
tearful eye, he asks them to seek out another minister, while yet his little 
strength remained. 

The committee chosen, were also instructed to " look out a place for a 
convenient situation for a minister," and "to agree with anyone upon 
purchase or exchange of land, or if they meet not with a bargain to their 
mind, then to set out such of the town's common land as they shall judge 
most convenient for a place for the ministry." 

At a meeting June 24, 1681, the committee reported that not finding 
any suitable place upon purchase or exchange, John Haseltine senior had 
•' given two acres to the town for the perpetual use of the ministry," and 
they had laid out a piece adjoining it for the same purpose. Their doings 
were approved, and the land granted for that purpose "forever." This 
land was situated north of the present Winter Street, and between Little 
Kiver and the Common. 

The committee, at the same time, reported that they had not been able 
to get a new minister, and thereupon a new committee was chosen in their 
place, with instructions to do so, " they taking the advice of Mr. Ward, 
our present aged minister." Josiah Gage was agreed with, to build a 
house for the new minister. 

At the same meeting, a gallery was ordered to be immediately erected 
in the east end of the meeting-house, for "the accommodation of the 

We have already noticed that, in 1673, the annual salary of the school- 
master was discontinued. The records for several years succeeding that 
date are silent in regard to a school in town, and the first and only infor- 
mation we have been able to find relating to the subject at this period, is 
the following, in the records of the Ipswich Court, for March, 1681 : — 

" The Court having called the presentment of Hauerill for not having a 
school-master, according to Law, in their Toune, & finding that there is 
some prouision made for the present, for teaching of children, they are re- 
leased upon that presentment, but the court judging that what is now 
done and provided by them doth not answer the law, nor is convienient to 
be rested in, doe order that the town before the next court at Ipswich pro- 
vide an able and meet schoolmaster that may constantly attend that service, 
as is usual in such cases, and that the scoole be kept neare the centre of 
the Toune." 

For some unexplained reason, Josiah Gage did not build a house for the 
new minister, accoi-ding to agreement, and at the annual meeting the next 

•> It will be recollected that John Hutchins hsd prev-iously built a gp.Hery at the west end. 


year (1682) a committee was chosen to find some one else to build it. A few 
weeks after, (April 4) a town meeting was called, and a committee chosen 
" to treat with Samuel Dal ton"' or John Stockbridge for either of their 
houses which they have of late erected in town," for the use of the new 

At the June meeting of the previous year, the question of building a 
new meeting-house was discussed. The old one was too small to accom- 
modate all the inhabitants, and was, moreover, much decayed. But the 
proposition was finally voted down, " by the additional and wilful votes of 
many prohibited by law from voting." The proposition adopted at that 
time, to build a gallery for the women, was probably a sort of compromise 
between the two parties. At the March meeting following, the matter 
was again agitated, but no action was taken. 

In June, another meeting was called, " at the request of Mr. Ward," 
to see about a new minister. At this meeting, ten pounds were raised to 
get one. 

In July, the town met to see about the " parsonage farm," and it was 
finally leased to Daniel Bradley, for twenty-one years. Mr. AYard's in- 
creasing age and feebleness were doubtless the reasons for this action, 
though none are given. 

September 18th, another meeting was called to see about a new minister. 
The necessity was now becoming urgent, and the matter could not be de- 
layed longer. After much discussion, the town voted " to proffer Mr. 
Jeremiah Gushing, or some other meet person that may be agreed upon, 
£100, in corn or provisions, besides the £60 proffered for annual salary 
during Mr. Ward's life." They determined that the above mentioned 
sums should be raised in the same way as a town rate, and should be paid 
" part money, part wheat, part rye, & part Indian Corn, all good, dry, 
sweet clean, & merchantable." The committee previously chosen were 
continued, "to carry on designs with Mr. Gushing, whom the town hath 
had some experience of."f 

Three weeks later, another meeting was held, at which it was voted to 
purchase of Samuel Simons, "his house & nine acres of land for the use 

* Dalton was from Hampton. 

t From the last clause of this vote, it appears that Mr. Gushing had preached in town at some time 
previous, — perhaps on "exchange" with Mr. Ward. Mr. Gushing was a son of Daniel Gushing, Esq., 
was born at Hingham. Mass., July 3, 1654, and graduated at Harvard University, in 1C76. He received 
an invitation to settle in the ministry at Haverhill, in 1C82, which he declined accepting. He was after- 
ward invited to become the pastor of the church in Scituate, and was ordained over it May 27, 1691 He 
died March 22, 1705, in the fifty-first year of his age, and the fourteenth of his ministry. — Vide Histories 
Hingham, and Scituate. 


of the ministry." The town gave Simons for his house and land, " forty 
acres near Fishing river, and £30 in wheat, rye, and corn." They also 
voted Mr. Gushing "four cow common rights," in addition to what they 
had previously offered him, and also "twenty cords of wood at his 
house annually."'- 

This year, for the first time, the Moderator was chosen by "a paper 
vote," and it was voted that in future the Selectmen should be chosen in 
the same manner, " one at a time." This was the commencement of vot- 
ing by written ballot in the choice of officers by the towu.f 

At the annual meeting in 1683, Francis Wainwright obtained leave for 
his son Simon to settle in town, and use timber to build him a house and 
a " ware house." This is the first mention we can find of a merchant, or 
trader, in town. Francis AYainwright was himself a merchant, from Ips- 
wich, and had three sons, — John, Simon, and Francis. Simon immediately 
removed here. 

At this meeting, the subject of Mr. Cushing's engagement was again 
discussed, and it was decided to send a messenger to get his answer or to 
have him " please to come and give us a visit, that we may receive answer 
from himself." It was voted to raise one-half of the one hundred pounds 
offered him, immediately; and also to buy " the house where Henry Pal- 
mer lived & died, for the use of the ministry forever." The price paid 
was twenty acres of land " towards Great Pond. "J 

This was the third time the town purchased a place to be devoted to 
that use, " forever," and we may doubtless forever speculate as to the rea- 
sons why the previous bargains were not carried into effect, as the records 
give us no clue to a solution of the problem. 

In June, another meeting was called to consider aboift Mr. Cushing's 
settlement, and to see about a new meeting house. The latter subject, 
however, seems to have engrossed all the time of the meeting. We should 
judge from the records that there was no difference of opinion in regard 
to the need, or the expediency of building a new house, as the discussions 
appear to have been confined entirely to its location. Upon this question, 
there was a wide difference of opinion, and when the vote was taken upon the 
question of placing the new meeting house upon the old site, the following 
voted yea, viz : 

Serg. John Johnson, Mr. John Ward, minister, Nath'l Saltonstall, Lieut 
Oeorge Browne, Wm. White, Thomas Whittier, John Whittier, PiobertEmer- 

'' Twenty cords of wood per annum, was, at that day, considered a moderate allowance for an ordinary 

t In the early days of the Colony, white and black beans were used in voting. 
X This is the first mention we find of that body of water, by that, or any other particular name. 


son, Eobert Clement, Jotham Hendrick, James Davis, sen., Daniel Ela, Jolin 
Page sen., and Samuel Sheplierd, (Total 15.) The following named per- 
sons " were against the settling of the meeting house where the meeting 
house now stands (forever), but that this meeting house that now is may 
stand as long as is convenient: — Thomas Davis, Daniel Lad sen., Saml 
Gild, Peter Ayer, Onesipho Mash sen, John Haseltine sen, Micha Em- 
erson, Geo Corlis, Kob. Ford, Saml Simons, Tim Ayers, John Eobie, Saml 
Hutchins, John Corlis, Saml Ayer, Thos Duston John Hartshorne, The 
Ayer, Joseph Kingsberry, John Gild, Saml Kingsberry, Joseph Hutchins, 
Stephen Webster, Nathl Haseltine, Tho Hartshorne, Eobt Swan sen, Willm 
Neff, Josiah Gage, EzekT Lad, Eobt Swan Jun, Philip Eastman, Henry 
Kemball, Joseph Johnson, Mat Harriman." (Total 34), 

In referring to the action of the town about the settlement of Mr. Cush- 
ing, the former historian of Haverhill concludes, that there was not only 
considerable discussion, but that it was '* probably rather violent," and 
adds, " the excitement appears to have been great." "We have carefully 
examined the record, and are unable to find any evidence of violent dis- 
cussions, or great excitement, and we feel confident that such was not the 
case. The matters were, indeed, most important ones, and we have no 
doubt that the discussions were both long and earnest ; but the Eecorder 
gives us no hints of either violence or great excitement. 

Among the minor matters of this period, we find several items which 
may be of interest to our readers. ="'^ 

In 1683, a committee was chosen to rebuild the " West Bridge, at Saw- 
mill Eiver, it being much dammified by the great flood of waters this 
spring." (This bridge stood near the present Winter street bridge). 

Daniel Ela wS.s prosecuted by his wife, for ill treatment, and the court 
ordered him to pay her 40s. This, however, did not prevent a continu- 
ance of his cruelty, as he was the next year complained of by William 
White, for turning his wife out of doors in a snow-storm, and shamefully 
abusing her. The following deposition of one of his neighbors, will ex- 
hibit his character: "Goodman Ela said that Goodman White was an old 
knave, and that he would make it cost him souse for coming to him about 

• The following, from Coffin's History of Newbur^y, -will probably apply equally as well to Haverhill, 
and is therefore worth inserting in this place: — "Turnips at that time, & for a half century afler, sup- 
plied the place of potatoes. In 1662, the price of a cord of oak wood, & a bushel of turnips, was the 
same, namely, one shilling and sixpence. In 1702, oak wood was three shillings, & walnut five shillings 
a cord, and turnips from one shilling and sixpence to two shillings a bushell. (1) In 1676, turnips one 
shilling per busholl, hemp and butter sixpence per pound. In 1687, cotton wool was one shilling and sis- 
pence per pound. (2) 

(1) John Knight's Juurnal. (2) Richard Bartlett's Journal. 


his wife, and meddling about that which was none of his business. He 
said that she was his servant and his slave ; and that she was no woman, 
but a devil in woman's apparel ; and that she should never come into his 
house again ; and that he would have her severely whipped, but that it 
would be a disgrace to him."" 

John Page was licensed to keep an ordinary in town ; and William 
White to sell cider for three years. At the nest court, Page was fined 
forty shillings for " selling drink to Indians."f 

At the town meeting, in 10 S3, a complaint was made against John Kee- 
zar, for keeping his tan- vats open, by which means, some cattle and swine 
belonging to his neighbors, had been destroyed. " The Moderator, in ye 
name of ye towne, did publiquely give sd Keezar a caution — warning 
and admonishing him upon his perill to secure his tan-yard and tan fatts 
- that no damage be done by him, to other mens or his own creatures ; and 
in speciall that mischief may not come unto children, which may occasion 
his own life to come upon triall." 

On the 27th of October, another meeting was called to see about settling 
a minister. The first vote passed, was to dismiss the committee previously 
chosen for the purpose of finding some suitable person, and the next, was to 
choose a new committee, " to procure a person to join with Mr. Ward in 
the work of the ministry at Haverhill." This tldrd committee consisted of 
Corporal! Peter Ayer, Corporal Josiah Gage, and Eobert Swan, senior. 

In the records of this meeting, we find the following, touching the nego- 
tiations with Mr. Gushing : — 

" The town by their former Committee having had a treaty with Mr. 
Gushing, in order to his settlement, and at last being denied, Lieut Browne, 
that the town may be j astified if they treat with any other jierson in order 
to a settlement in the ministry, gave in Mr. Gushing's two letters as his 
answer and refusal of our motion, that they might be entered and put 
upon file, with other papers belonging to the town's concernments which 
are on file." 

This is the last reference we find to Mr. Gushing in the i-ecords. The 
Recorder docs not state what his reasons were for declining to come, and 
as the letters above mentioned are now lost, we are left entiiely in the 
dark concerning them. We feel confident, however, that his refusal was 
not given on account of any division or excitement among the people of 
the town, though Mirich so intimates in his History of Haverhill. 

"' Court Records. t Ibid. 

I If any of our readers feel disposed to smile at the prominence given to military titles, by our ances- 
tors, let them i)lease remember, that, in these " latter davo," nearly every man is addressed by some title. 
Those who cannot claim a higher one, are usually addressed as -'Esq." 


At the next annual meeting (1684) Daniel Ela and William Starlin 
made " a proiFer to the town, to sell their livings, house & land, for a situ- 
ation for a minister or the ministry," and a committee was chosen to treat 
with them "in the time of intermission, before the afternoon," and re- 
port. Upon the committee's report, the town declined the jiroffer of Ela, 
as "too difficult to comply with & perform," and decided to treat further 
with Starlin. For the latter purpose, the committee was ordered to con- 
fer with him again, and report at an adjourned meeting, the next day. 
The next day, the town voted to give Starlin one hundred pounds for his 
house and land, provided he would give them a " sufficient legal com^ey- 
ance " of the same. His pay was as follows: — "Ten acres of land at 
the Fishing river, near to Eohert Emerson's." which was to be laid out 
convenient " for the setting up of a corn mill there," at three pounds per 
acre ; and the remaining seventy pounds to be paid in merchantable corn,- 
in two several payments, for which a rate was then ordered to be laid. 

The town expressly reserved the right to allow any other person or per- 
sons to put up mills on the same stream, and also stipulated that in setting 
down his dam he should not hinder the passage of the fish up the river to 
the pond, " at the season of the year when they come to pass up." 

From the record of the same meeting we copy the following : 

*' A complaint being made to the town for want of room in the meeting 
house, for the women, convenient when they come to hear the word of God 
preached, and that care be speedily taken about the same : The town (by 
their act upon June 2-1, 1681, having taken care for such a galery, and 
appointed persons to take care thereof, and get it to be made at the towns 
cost) do refer this matter to the said committee, empowering them to get 
the same built, desiring them forthwith to proceed upon the work to have 
it finished, that no excuse of that kind be made by any persons that do, or 
shall absent themselves from the public worship of God." 

From the above, we are led to presume, that the committee had neglected 
to build the gallery on account of the probability of a new meeting-house 
being soon erected. As they were now ordered to proceed at once in the 
work, it appears as though the proposition for a new one was given up for 
the present. 

In the summer of this year, (July 30. 1684,') a town meeting was called 
to see about the seating of the inhabitants in the meeting house, " altera- 
tions and divers deaths " having made some new arrangements necessary, 
and the selectmen were made a committee " for the new seating or placing 
of persons in the seats in the meeting house." It was voted, that if any 
of the inhabitants refused to occupy the seats assigned them by the se- 
lectmen, they should " forfeit a fine of twelve pence in corn " for each 


day's neglect or refusal : and, " to prevent any objection of others," an- 
other committee was chosen to seat the selectmen ! 

Mirick, in noticing the above, says, — " It is evident, from the language 
of the Recorder that some epidemic prevailed about this time, though we 
have no other account of it." We are surprised that, with the record be- 
fore him, he should have drawn such an inference. It had now been 
about thirty years since the seats were first assigned, and in that period 
great changes had naturally been made in families by "alterations and 
divers deaths," and we see no evidence or hint that favors the adoption of 
any other theory in explaining the above-mentioned action of the town. 

A change in the mode of voting for Selectmen was adopted at the annual 
meeting this year, the record of which is not without interest: — " It is 
ordered that at this present meeting, and so for the future till this act is 
orderly repealed, every one that is presented at the town meeting for, and 
hath power or liberty of voting in the choice of Selectmen for the follow- 
ing year shall bring in his votes for five several distinct persons in one 
paper at one time, cut between the names, so that they may hang together ; 
and when all the papers so brought in are sorted, those five men that have 
the greatest number of votes, as it is usual in the public elections on Nomi- 
nations for the country shall be the men who are chosen to serve for the 
Selectmen for the year ensuing."-' 

In 1683, Job Clement of Dover, son of the late Job Clement of this 
town, applied to the town to lay out some land to him upon his father's 
house lot accommodation ; but, "upon discourse," several persons affirmed 
that the land had already been laid out, and as "Daniel Ela alfirmed openly 
that Mr Job Clement in his life time did say with reference to his three 
acres of accommodations, that Theoph. Satchwell who had been at law with 
him, had cheated him of it all," the town refused his request. In 1684, 
Clement renewed his application, and the "matter being long discoursed," 
the town again refused to acknowledge his claim, 

xV.fter the Selectmen for 1685 were chosen, it was found that a major- 
ity were not freemen," as a law of the colony required, and " without 
reflection or disrespect, Daniel Bradley was left out, and Josiah Gage 
chosen in his room." 

The same year, a highway was laid out " from Almsbury meeting house 
by Country Bridge to Haverhill." It was a " beaten " way before, but had 
not been regularly laid out. A highway was also laid out " above Spicket as 
far as Haverhill lands go in that direction." One had been previously laid 
out in the latter direction, but being little used, it had become " uncertain." 

'■^ In 1687, this regulation was repealed, and " the former ancient practice of putting in for but one per- 
son at a time ordered to be attended to." 


John Keyzar, to whom land was granted in 1674, on condition that he 
came and " set up his trade of tanner " in town, (which land was " con- 
firmed to him" in 1682) made application this year for liberty to sell it; 
but the town informed him that " they did and do expect the conditions 
therein mentioned to be attended, or else the said John may leave the same 
to the Town, with the buildings and improvements by him made thereon, 
to the Town for public use." 

The Town Eecords of this year, for the first time, state that the meet- 
ings were called by the " writ of the selectmen, published and placed on 
file." They were published by affixing a copy of the warrant to the door 
of the meeting house. 

For ten years preceding this, we find no allusion in the Town Eecords to 
the subject of a school, and only one elsewhere, — that in the Ipswich 
Court Records of 1681. From this, and the record of the meeting men- 
tioned below, we infer that there was no regular school in town during 
those years. 

On the 9th of November, of this year, a meeting was called, " in order 
to a supply and the providing a fit person to keep school in this Town, and 
make it his only employ to instruct the children or young men, or any of 
the inhabitants of Haverhill in reading, and in writing, and in cyphering," 
and the selectmen were voted full power to provide such a person, and agi'ee 
with him to keep school until the next annual meeting, provided they did 
not agree "to give him on the public account more than Four pounds in 
corn till that time." Under the same date, we find the following agree- 
ment, which is well worth preserving : — 

" We whose names are underwritten have agi-eedwith Mr James Chad- 
wick to keep the school, to endeavour to teach such as shall resort to him, 
as they shall desire to read, or write, or cypher, or all of them, until the 
next annual meeting in February next : For which service of his he shall 
be paid by the town in general three pounds in corn, besides what he shall 
have, or agree with the scholars for ; or their parents, or masters ; or for 
want of agreement the said Mr Chadwick in his demands not to exceed 
what usually is paid in other places for schooling, viz : To have by the 
week — For a Reader 00:01, & for a writer 00:06. Dated November 9th, 
1685, By us 

Robt Ayer ") 

Ste Dow y Selectmen. 

Josi'h Gage 3 

and consented unto by the other 2. Jna Page Jun | Select 

Sim Wainwright j men " 


At the next annual meeting, the selectmen were directed "to agi-ee with 
Mr Chadwick, or any other person, to make it his employ to keep school 
in Haverhill for the year ensuing." 

In the spring of 1686, a road was laid out from Eowley to Haverhill. 
It was laid out eight rods wide. 

In answer to a petition from the Selectmen, the Court empowered them 
to " bind out young ones into sarvice," — provided their indentures met 
the approval of " worshipful Major Saltonstall." 

At the annual meeting, Daniel Ela j)roflFered to sell his housing and 
land by the meeting house " to the town for a parsonage, and take as part 
pay, the house and land the town had previously purchased of Wm Star- 
lin ; but, after much discourse, the town refused to treat with him. At 
the same time, John Gild charged Lieut. Johnson, in open town meeting, 
with attempting to cheat him, by altering the bounds of land at Flaggy 
meadow, and taking in "near 40 or 50 acres." As the Lieutenant " con- 
fessed in part," the town chose a committee to look into the matter. The 
Lieutenant was not, however, the only one in town who wanted more land 
than belonged to him, as Serg't John Page and Mr. Simon Wainwright, 
"by virtue of an order from the Selectmen," the previous year, "to 
search after and find out them that had trespassed upon the Town's ways 
and common lands by their fencing of them in," gave in the following 
names : — Joseph Greelee, Joseph Peasely, Saml Pearson, Saml Shepherd, 
Daniel Ela, Edwd Brumidge, Sergt Johnson, Peter Patie, Lt. Browne or S 
Ford, Benj Singletery, John Gild, Eobt Swan, Stephen Davis, Dan: Hen- 
drick, Jno Davis, Edwd Clarke, Stephen Dow, xibra. Belknap, Thos Davis, 
John Whittier. 

But even this large array of names did not include the whole, for at the 
same meeting, the Eecorder informs us, " Piobt Swan sen presented a mo- 
tion to the Town for buying of their own lands which they had purchased 
of the Indians, and had grants for from the General Court : and was laid 
out in particular lots by the Town's allotment." Swan's motion was, 
that, — 

" "Whereas there was a certain tract of land purchased of Pumpasano- 
way alais Old Will, an Indian, by John Eudicot of Boston, Gentn, eldest 
son to Gov Endicot, The which land was sold by Jno Endicot to Walter 
Barefoot, Esq, as appears by firm deeds under hand and seal, from one to 
the other of the above said conveyors. This land being part of it in the 
bounds of Haverhill near Spicket Piiver. It being now in my hands to 
dispose of as I can make it appear, I think it expedient that a proposition 
be made to the town in the first place. That if they please to buy that 


part of it wliich is within Haverhill line, they may have it at a reasonable 
rate, or if they please to accept it now, before it be otherwise disposed of, 
or if they will buy that which is granted to particular men and laid out 
to them ; If the Town will buy the whole tract of land they shall have it 
for 2 shillings per acre, or if they will give acre for acre of land and 
meadow where they and I shall agree, it shall content me. 

Eobert Swan, sen." 

The Eecorder adds, that, — 

" Considerable discourse was had about Eobt Swan's motion, which was 
unanimously opposed with manifestation of great dislike of K Swan's pro- 
ceedings and because-he showed no original title, but only a blank, pretended 
to be Mr Eudicot's title : and because of the Town's jtresent being in pos- 
session, and having so been according to the law of possession. The town 
declares that till they be dispossessed by law they will not buy of E Swan 
or of any other, but will hold what they account their own." 

Upon this. Swan desired the town to have laid out to him those lands 
which he could make appear to be legally due him, but which he declared 
had been kept from him twenty -three or twenty-four years by George 
Browne.-' He further declared, that he had often labored to have it done, 
but could neither have the lauds laid out, or any satisfactory answer con- 
cerning the same, and that he was much reproached, and also impoverished 
by the malignity of Lieutenant Browne's spirit towards him. 

In reply to this, the town directed Swan " to make his right appear, & 
then justice should be done to him as to other men." 

Swan then asked that the town " would call Lieut Browne, James Davis, 
and himself, to an account for their actions since they were appointed to 
lay out and rectify lands," at the same time delaring that there had been 
" such irregular actions done as may cause the children yet unborn to 
curse us hereafter," This " was spoken to, but no vote passed by the Town 
to do anything in it." 

Lieutenant Browne's turn now came, and he plumply charged Goodman 
Swan with having told him a wrong story about a certain brook, on ac- 
count of which Browne had laid out more land to Swan than he was entitled 
to. Upon this, the Eecorder adds, " several words, and some of them hard, 
passed, but there was no further jiroceed in order to further enquiry, 
and it being late and past time for a vote, the Moderator declared that the 
meeting was at an end, or dissolved, with respect to the present session." 

At the next meeting. Swan asked the town to confirm to him a piece of 
meadow land, and his fourth division of land, "which he had laid out for 

o Broii-ne was one of the to\Mi's "lot layers." 


Hmself." The town rejected his proposal, and protested against this, and 
all such acts, by whomsoever done. 

Notwithstanding these matters of dispute, Swan evidently had the con- 
fidence of the town, for the very next vote, at the same meeting, placed 
him on a committee to run disputed and uncertain hounds, — a most im- 
portant office. Browne, however, " openly declared that he would not any 
longer stand as a lot-layer," and Thomas Whittier was chosen in his place. 
Swan was evidently too much for him. 

We find the following among the records of births, marriages, and 
deaths, for 1686: — "Elizabeth Emerson, single-woman, had Dorothy, 
born April 10 — 86 ; and a second time, though never married, Twins, born 
May 8 — 91, who were both made away with privately, and found dead May 
10 — 91." The Kecorder then says : — "The Mother lay long in prison, 
bilt at the long run, in the year 1691, as I take it, was executed at Boston 
for the murthering of the two babes, or one of them."'-' 

About this time, a rule was adopted requiring all petitions to the town 
to be in writing. 

A law of the General Court required all swine running at large to be 
yoked, and also to have two rings in their snout, but allowed towns a dis- 
cretion in the matter of yoking. This town decided that they might go 
unyoked, if their owners would be responsible for damages. 

At the annual meeting for 1687, Joseph Peasely, being chosen constable 
for the ensuing year, " by bringing in of paper votes,"f " made his plea 
for freedom," which not being granted, he moved that a second constable 
be chosen, — " because the Town was large anxi many lived remote so that 
one man could not well do the work of warning meetings and gathering of 
rates alone." This last request was granted, and John Ayer, junior, 
chosen second constable. It was left to them to divide their wards and 
their work, as they might themselves agree. It seems, however, that they 
could not agree, and the town released Ayer, and thus compelled Peasely 
to do all the work alone. A few years later, two constables were regularly 
chosen, and from that time, two continued to be chosen annually for many 

The following shows the great value the town at this time placed upon 
its fisheries : — 

" In answer to the proposition of some, and the universal desire of the 
people, that care, by an order, might be taken that fish might not, by Dams 

» The Recorder was correct. The father of the children, was Samuel Ladd, a married man, and then 
the father of eight children by his lawful wife, — the two youngest twins ! Elizabeth was the daughter 
of Michael Emerson, and the one he kicked and beat so shamefully in 1674. 

t This was the first time any officers, except Moderator and Selectmen, were chosen by written ballot. 



and Wiers, made in the Sawmill Eiver, or Fishing Eiver, or any other, be 
stopped of the usual course up to the Pond, but have free passage up the 
Eiver in this Town : 

" The Town declares that they expect there shall be free passage for fish 
up the Sawmill Eiver and Fishing Eiver and all other Eivers, brooks and 
creeks in this Town, in all suitable seasons of the year for their getting up 
to the Pond to spawn, and in special in the night time ; and to that end 
do order that no man shall make a dam, or suifer his dam so to stop any 
passage the fish used to have to the Ponds or Pond, without leaving his 
dam or Wier or other device open in the night time for the fish." 

Similar reasons to those that led them to seek the preservation of their 
fisheries, also induced them to make vigorous efforts to increase their flocks. 

"VVe are unable to say when sheep were first introduced into the town, 
but it is probable that a few were owned by the inhabitants at an early 
period of its settlement. The first mention we find of them in the Town 
Eecords, is under date of 1684, when "the proprietors of the Great Plain 
thinking to lay down the said field for some years to be improved for a 
sheep pasture," the town gave them leave to fence it, choose oflicers, and 
make all necessary regulations for that purpose.'-' 

The next mention of them, is the following, in 1687 : — 

" It being the interest and desire of the inhabitants, for the sake of 
back, belly and purse, to get into a stock, and a way to keep a stock of 
sheep, in which all endeavours hitherto have been invalid and of no effect ; 
For a further trial : The Selectmen have hereby power granted them to 
call forth the inhabitants cftpable of labor with suitable tools, and in suit- 
able companies about Michaelmass, to clear some land at the. town's end, 
sides, or skirts ; as they in their discretion shall think meet to direct, to 
make it capable and fit for sheep to feed upon with the less hazzard : and 
he that is warned as above, and doth not accordingly come and attend the 
service, shall pay a fine of 2s per day." 

From the above it is evident that the " hazzard " of sheep raising was 
occasioned by the ravages of wolves among the flocks. AVe have already 
alluded to the trouble these pests occasioned the settlers. In addition to 
the bounty paid by the colony for their destruction, this town (and others) 
for a long time paid forty shillings for every wolf killed in the town. In 
1685, Amesbury repealed this additional bounty, and, to prevent fraud, 
this town soon afterward did the same, but still allowed the selectmen to 

o Coffin, in his History of Kewbury, estimates that there we?& in tliat town, inlG85, over five thousand 
sheep. The owners in the several neighborhoods clubbed together, hired a shepherd, and by means of 
portable fences, oi "gates," took turns in pasturing them, — thus enriching their corn land. 


pay such sums as they should agree upon in particular cases. This plan 
did not prove satisfactory, how'ever, and two years afterward a regular 
bounty of fifteen shillings was voted to any person who should kill a full 
grown wolf within the town's hounds, and seven shillings sixpence for each 
young one. The liberal bounty paid for their destruction, ultimately had 
the desired effect, and the flocks of the settlers were permitted to multiply 
without their molestation."' 

° In 1696, Timothy Eaton petitioned the town to grant him a bounty, more than the country allowed, 
for killing a full grown she-wolf on the ox-common. The town granted him ten shillings " for killingr 
said wolf since he declares it was a bitch wolf and that she will not bring any more whelps." 





In 1688, a fresh Indian war broke out on the frontiers of New England. 
As a pretense for commencing hostilities, the Indians charged the English 
with neglecting to pay the tribute of corn, which had been stipulated by 
the treaty of 1678;-' obstructing the fish in Saco river with seines; de- 
frauding them in trade, and with granting their lands without their con- 
sent."! The French used every effort to inflame their resentment, in order 
to revenge the recent injuries they had themselves received from the 

The first acts of hostility commenced at North Yarmouth, by killing 
cattle, and threatening the people. This was followed by robbery, and 
capturing the inhabitants. 

To add to the distresses and troubles of the Massachusetts colonists, they 
also found themselves involved in difficulties relating to their charter. 
Complaints had from time to time been made in England against the colon- 
ists, and in the height of the distresses of Phillip's xoar, and while the 
colony were contending with the natives for the possession of the soil, 
these complaints were renewed with vigor. An inquiry was set on foot, 
and followed, from time to time, until 1684, when judgment was given 
against their charter. In 1686, a commission arrived, appointing a presi- 
dent and council to administer the government. This administration was, 
however, short, and in December of the same year, Sir Edmund Andros 
arrived with a commission for the government of all the New England 
colonies, except Connecticut, 

®It was stipulated, in this treaty, that the inhabitants should return to their deserted settlements, on 
conditioE of paying one peck of corn annually, for each family, by way of acknowledgment to the Indians 
for the possession of theh- lands. 

t Belknap 1, 242. 

X France and England were early competitora in America. Each claimed a portion of its territory, 
assumed jurisdiction, and attempted its colonization. Their rivalry and hatred had existed for centu- 
ries — it was indeed hereditary, — and in consequence of it, the New England colonies were early in- 
volved in difficulties. Acadia and Canada were wrested from the French in 1629, but were restored by 
the treaty of St. Germain, in 1632. Acadia was again conquered in 1654:, but restored by the treaty of 
Breda, in 1669. In 1666, the conquest of Canada was a second time attempted, but without success ; 
and again in 16S6, with a like result. These difficulties continued until the peace of Cfrec/ti, in 1713. 
In 1744, war again broke out between France and England, and continued until the reduction of Canada, 
in 1760, and the treaty of Paris, 1763. During these wars, the colonies were continually involved, and 
severely suffered. 


The administration of Andres was most arbitrary and oppressive. The 
Press was restrained ; public thanksgiving, without an order from the 
Crown, was prohibited ; fees of all officers were increased ; and the peo- 
ple were even compelled to petition for new patents for their lands, for 
which patents they were obliged to pay exorbitant prices.'-' As a conse- 
quence of these, and many other equally oppressive and arbitrary proceed- 
ings, the Colonists were greatly disquieted, and excited. 

In September, 1689, a Special Justices' Court was ordered, to "make 
inquiry in the several towns of Gloster, Haverhill, & Boxford, and ex- 
amine and binde over such persons as have beene Factious & Seditious there 
and contemptuously refused to obey and execute the warrants of the Trea- 

In the language of Andros himself, " there was no such thing as a town 
in the whole country ; " and to assemble in town meeting for pvirposes of 
deliberation was esteemed an act of sedition and riot. The unhappy state 
of affairs at this period may be further judged from the following illustra- 
tions, which we find among the original papers in the State Archives : — 

In the winter of 1688-9, Joseph Emerson and Jacob Whiticker, of this 
town, were pressed as soldiers for Andros, and sent in the expedition to 
Pemaquid. Their depositions, given afterward, before Nathaniel Salton- 
stall. Assistant, show that the soldiers of the tyrant were most shamefully 
abused, and maltreated. Simon Waiuwright, of this town, had twenty- 
seven barrels of cider taken from him, by the excise officers of Andros. f 
Onisephorous Mash, constable of Haverhill, was forced to pay five pounds 
three shillings, in money, for the drawing uj) of a bond for him to appear 
at Salem, because the town had not appointed a commissioner on rates to 
meet at the shire town to assist in making rates for the county. 

Daniel Bradley, one of the Selectmen, was forced to pay five pounds, 
one shilling, for a similar bond, on the same case. 

Such was the unfortunate condition of the colonists, when troubles again 
broke out with the Indians, in 1688. To quell the disturbance, Andros, 
with seven or eight hundred men, marched into the eastern country, in 
November, and built several forts ; and though many of his men died by 
hardships and exposure, not one Indian was killed, or even seen. They 
had all retired into their distant winter quarters. | 

* One of the first acts of Andros was to levy a tax of twenty pence on each poll, and one penny in the 
pound upon "all the late colonies and provinces toward defraying the public charges of the government." 
Some towns asked to be excused from paying the tax, and others refused. Haverhill, Salisbury, Rowley, 
and Andover, were fined for their contumacy. 

t It appears that Wainwright made twenty barrels in 1688, from the produce of his own orchard. 

X Joseph Emerson and Jacob Whiticker, of this town, were pressed as soldiers ior this expedition. 


With the opening of spring, the situation of the settlers again became 
critical. None knew when or where another attack would be made, and 
we need not wonder that their hearts were oppressed with the gloomiest 
forebodings. The following extract, from a letter of Samuel Ayer, con- 
stable of Haverhill, to the General Court, under date of February 11, 
1689'-=, — in answer to a citation for the town to appear and answer to the 
charge of " withholding the one half of their proportion of rates," — touch- 
ingly represents the condition of the town : — 

" I pray you consider our poor condition. There are many that have 
not corn to pay their rates, many more which have not money : to strainf 
I know not what to take : we are a great way from any market, to make 
money of anigh thing we have : and now there is not anigh way to trans- 
port to other places : I pray consider our poor condition." 

Early in April, news reached Boston that William, Prince of Orange, 
had invaded England, and dethroned the King. Animated with the hope 
of deliverance, the people rushed to arms ; took possession of the fort ; 
seized Andros, and other obnoxious characters ; placed them in confine- 
ment, and organized a Council of Safety, \ The latter immediately sent 
circulars to the several towns, recommending that delegates be chosen by 
each, to assemble in convention at Boston on the 9th of the following 
month, to advise with the Council. The following was the answer of this 
town : — 

" Haverhill May 20, 1689. 

By an express from ye council for safety, &c, dated May ye 10th 1689. 
The Town being meet do unanimously, nemine contradicente, declare yt 
they think it most eligible & safe to wait for information from ye Crown 
in England, according to promise, & declaration, so yt we may ye better 
know wt we may at present do ; & do pray yt ye Council, now in being 
for Safety of ye people, & Conservation of ye Peace do take care effect- 
ually in all publique affaires, & in all imergences. And we do hereby 
further declare yt we will be assistant in ye charges yt shal come unto, 
both wh our persons and estates, so yt ye Persons that are or shal be put 
into Hold§ be effectually secured, & have not too full a libertie of visitors, 
either made or Eemade, whereby they may escape, we we hear hath been 

This was read, voted & passed, nemine contradicente, as attest 

N Saltonstall Eecordr." 

<* State Archives. t Restrain. 

X Nathaniel Saltonstall was chosen one of this counciL 

§ Jail, or prison. 


Cornet Peter Ayer was chosen to represent Haverhill at the Convention,*^ 

Scarcely had the colonists recovered from their surprise at this sudden 
change of affairs in their government, when their attention was again 
called to the necessity of further protection against the Indians. The fol- 
lowing, from Mirick, is well worth inserting in this place : — 

" The Indians, for some time past, had been hovering over the town in 
such a manner as kept the inhabitants in continual alarm. Small parties 
were almost daily seen traversing the adjacent woods, and slyly approach- 
ing the farm-houses in search of plunder. The friendly intercourse that 
had existed so many years between them was broken, and open hostility 
succeeded. So early as 1675, the fortifications around the meeting-house 
were repaired, and in the following year we find that Ephraim Kingsbury 
was slain ; but it was in the summer of this year that they commenced 
the work of murder and desolation in good earnest. The tawny savage 
sharpened his knife and tomahawk for the work of blood, and glutted his 
imagination with the atrocities he should commit. The war began — the 
fierce and inhuman contest on the part of the savages. It proceeded, and 
what deeds of valor were performed — what acts of chivalry graced the 
lives of our Fathers ! The plaided Highlander, armed with his claymore 
and battle-axe, was not more heroic ; the stern and determined patriot, 
who rallied beneath the banner of Wallace, was no braver ; the enthusi- 
astic Crusader, who fought and bled on the plains of the Holy Land, never 
exhibited a more fearless and undaunted spirit. Some of their deeds have 
been emblazoned on the page of history ; but many of them, until now, 
have been permitted to rest in obscurity. 

There was but little genuine bravery among the savages ; and, in fact, 
we do not recollect one instance of the kind, on their part, where pure, 
high-souled and chivalrous courage was displayed, during the whole war, — 
a period of nearly thirty years. But they were generally cruel, vindictive 
and -treacherous. Such aged and infirm persons as were unable to perform 
a journey through the wilderness, were generally despatched. Infants, 
soon as they became troublesome, had their mouths filled with burning 
embers, or their brains dashed out against the nearest stone or tree. But 
we have one thing to record which speaks highly in their favor ; that is, 

'^' The people of Massacliusetts soon applied for the restoration of their charter, or the grant of a new 
one. A definite answer was deferred, but the council was authorized to administer the government ac- 
cording to the old charter, till further directions were given. A new charter was received in 1692. By 
this charter, the appointment of the governor was in the crown, and every freeholder of forty shillings 
sterling a year, and every inhabitant of forty pounds sterling, personal estate, was allowed to vote for 


tlie modesty with which they generally treated their captive women. We 
do not recollect of but one instance-' where they attempted to abuse their 
chastity in word or action. | 

Haverhill was a frontier town for nearly seventy years, and but few 
towns suffered so severely from the Indians. At this period we can have 
but a faint conception of the sufferings of the inhabitants. Surrounded 
vnth an immense and mostly unexplored forest — thinly scattered over a 
lirge tract of land — and constantly exposed to the attacks of savage 
hordes, are circumstances which have made us wonder, why they should 
continue to march onward and onward into the wilderness, terrific for its 
extent, and unfurl the banner of civilization under the very shadow of the 
enemy's wigwam. The contests between them and the savages, were not 
like those between civilized nations ; but it was a war for extermination 
on one side, characterized with acts of the basest cruelty and revenge for 
defence on the other. The foemen frequently fought hand to hand ; the 
bloody frays were frequent and sometimes long. 

The Indians made their attacks slyly, and cautiously approached their 
enemy by skulking behind the intervening objects, until they came so near 
that they felt perfectly sure of their victim. At other times, they would 
fall upon the inhabitants before the break of day, and barbarously slaugh- 
ter them while they were unprepared to defend themselves. The people 
always went armed to their daily labor, and on the sabbath they were seen 
on their way to Church, with a psalm-book in one hand, and a gun, loaded 
and primed, in the other. But even then, while kneeling beneath the roof 
of the sanctuary, they were not safe ; if they went into the fields at noontide, 
with their spades and mattocks, their foes were behind them ; if they slept 
within their dwellings when the sun had gone down, the darkness would 
not protect them ; but ere the light had stole upon the east, their blood, 
and the blood of their beloved, might pool together upon their hearths. In 
summer and winter, at the budding and searing of the leaf, they were alike 
exposed to hardships and to death. 

Some of the most heroic deeds accomplished by the inhabitants of this 
town, were performed by women, — by those whose limbs were not made to 

'•* This was in the case of Mrs. Hannah Duston, when her captors told her that she, and her companions, 
must be stripped naked, and run the gauntlet. 

t Testimonies in favor of the savages, in this particular, are very frequent. Mary Rowlandson, who 
was taken prisoner at Lancaster, in 1675, says in her narrative, (page 55), — "I have been in the midst 
of these roaring lions and savage bears, that feared neither God nor man, nor the devil, by day and night, 
alone and in company, sleeping all sorts together, and yet not one of them ever oflered me the least abuse 
of unchastity in word or action." Elizabeth Hanson, who was captured in Dover, in 1724, says in her 
narrative, that " the Indians are vei'y civil towards their captive women, not oft'ering any incivility by any 
indecent carriage." Charlevoix, speaking of the Indians of Canada, says, (letter 7) "there is no example 
*hat any Iiave taken the least liberty with the French women, even when they were their prisoners." 


wield the weapons of war, — wliosc hearts could never exult in a profusion 
of blood, — and whose sphere of usefulness, of honor and of glory, was in 
the precincts of the domestic circle." 

Dover was the first to suffer. On the night of the 27th of June, the 
garrisons were attacked, twenty-three persons killed, and twenty-nine cap- 
tured. Before the neighboring people could be collected, the Indians had 
withdrawn, with their captives and their plunder, toward Canada. 

In August, a party of Indians fell upon the settlement at Oyster Eiver 
(Durham, N. H.) and killed eighteen persons. 

On the 13th of the same month, a small party made their appear- 
ance in the northerly part of this town, and killed Daniel Brad- 
ley. They then went to the field of Nathaniel Singletary, near by, 
where he and his oldest son were at work. They approached in their slow 
and serpent-like manner, until they came within a few rods, when they 
shot Singletary, who fell and died on the spot ; his son attempted to es- 
cape, but was quickly overtaken and made prisoner. The Indians then 
scalped Singletary, and commenced a hasty retreat ; but their prisoner 
soon eluded their vigilance, and returned to his home, on the same day, 
to make glad the hearts of his afilicted relatives. Nathaniel Singletary 
was a " squatter " on the parsonage lands. The marks of the cellar of 
his house are still to be seen, on the land now owned by Benjamin Kim- 
ball, on the Parsonage Eoad — a short distance northwest from the gate. 

Bradley was killed on the " Parsonage Koad," not far from the present 
Atkinson Depot. '■■= 

About the same time, two men were also killed at Andover. 

These forays caused the inhabitants of the town again to appeal 
to the General Court, for assistance in the work of watchfulness, and de- 
fence,! and on the 29th of the same month, the " Ipswich Horse" were 
ordered to this town, as a place of rendezvous for forces going to meet the 

The savages again made their appearance, on the 17th of the following 
October, when they wounded and made prisoner of Ezra Eolfe,J who died 
three days after being taken. 

* On the 30th of September, 1690, the following petition of his son, Daniel, was addressed to the Court; 

" To the honord cortt now siting att ipswige this may signify to your honors that whereas by the prouvi- 

dence of G id my father Daniel Bradly was slaine by the hand of the heathen and left no will as to the 

deposing of his outward estatte I request his brother Joseph may be appointed administrator. 

This request was granted. 

(1) This name does not appear in the Town Records among the children of the above Daniel Bradley, 
t Men had been previously stationed in town, as garrison guards ; but in July, (22d) a part of them 
(those from Rowley) had been ordered home, on account of the " busy season of the year." — Eist, Rowley. 
X Rolfe lived not far from the present North Parish Meeting-house, 



No further attacks were made by the Indians that year, and the inhabi- 
tants began to hope that they might be spared a repetition of the bloody 

Toward the latter part of 1689, Eev. Benjamin Eolfe, of Newbury, be- 
gan to preach in town, as an assistant to Mr. Ward, and, as it seems, with 
general acceptance.-' 

At a town meeting, January 20, 1690, called " to see about getting a 
minister to join with Mr. Ward," it was voted to give Mr. Eolfe "forty 
pounds per annum in Wheat, Eye and Indian," to join and assist Mr. 
Ward, and after Mr. Ward's death, the town would "farther allow 
what shall be rational." According to the Eecorder, there was "grand 
opposition " to the above vote, and it was finally declared " not to stand." 
The record intimates, that " Mr. Ward and his son Saltonstall" left the 
meeting, on account of the opposition to the vote. While they were ab- 
sent, the town voted to pay Mr. Eolfe the above sum for one year, and his 
diet, or board, and that Mr. Ward should have his full salary, provided he, 
at his own cost, boarded Mr. Eolfe. 

After a few months of comparative quiet, the colonists were again 
startled by the intelligence that the French and their savage allies were 
busily preparing for a renewal of their bloody work with the opening of 
spring. The prospects of the inhabitants of the frontier towns were indeed 

At the annual meeting, nothing was done, except to elect officers. AYho 
can weigh the load of fear and anxiety that rested upon the hearts of our 
fathers, as they contemplated the dark future before them ? 

But little time was left them for suspense. Anon the news came that a 
large body of the enemy had attacked the beautiful village of Schnectady, 
New York, massacred sixty of its inhabitants, captured twenty-seven more, 
and reduced the town to ashes ! Hardly had the people realized the feai'- 
ful import of the intelligence, when another herald announced an attack 
on Salmon Falls, and the murder of twenty-seven of its inhabitants, while 
fifty- two others had been hurried away into captivity. No time was to 
be lost ! 

On the 24th of March, a meeting was held, " to consider what is to be 
done for the present security of the place against the enemy, by sending 
for help abroad, or to draxo off. " After voting the selectmen " full powers 
in all respects," the Eecorder informs us that " a small discourse was 
opened about the then state of the Town, how to stand against the Enemy, 

o Mr. Rolfe waa chaplain to the forces sent to Falmouth, Maine, from July 14th to November 14tht 
1689, and probably came to this town soon after his return from that Province. — State A rch. Vol. u, p- 49. 


and to see for a livelyhood for hereafter, if lives of the people should be 
spared ; But it soon ceased and was given over, and nothing done that was 
to satisfaction in that affair, the people being out of a way for their own 
subsistence ; and therefore the Moderator declared the meeting closed." 

Eeader, mark the deep significance of tliat language. So imminent to 
them seemed the danger, and so feeble the resistance that they could offer, 
unaided and alone, that it was seriously debated, whether it was not best 
to draxo off — to abandon the town entirely, and seek safety in some less 
exposed place ! How must the mother's heart have sunk within her, when 
the husband and father returned from that meeting, with no word of hope 
or comfort for herself or her little ones. As the sun withdrew that day, 
and left the hills and valleys of Pentucket enshrouded in darkness, so the 
bright sun of hope withdrew from the hearts of its inhabitants, and left 
them buried in the dark shadows of despondency, and fearful appre- 

As a means of defense, the selectmen appointed six garrisons, and four 
"houses of refuge."" One of the garrisons was commanded by Sergeant 
John Haseltine. This house stood on the north side of the road, about 
half way up Pecker'' s Hill, and a few rods northwesterly from that for- 
merly occupied by Samuel Pecker. Haseltine had seven men under his 
command: — Onesiphorus Marsh, sen., Onisephorus Marsh, jun., Nathan- 
iel Haseltine, Eben Webster, Joseph Holt, Thomas Ayer, and Joseph 

This garrison was owned by Onesiphorus Marsh, sen., who was the an- 
cestor of those of that name in this town. The first notice we have of him, 
is in 1684, when he built the house above described.f He owned the 
principal part of that hill, and for many years it was known by the name 
of Marsh's Hill. The name was once generally spelt Mash. Another ac- 
count states that the garrison was commanded by Jonathan Marsh. 

Another was commanded by Sergeant John Webster ; this, Mirich sup- 
posed, was the brick house which stands on the bank of the river, three 
fourths of a mile east of the bridge, and formerly occupied by Widow 
Nathaniel Whittier, but now owned and occupied by Joseph B. Spiller ; 
but, as that house was not built until 1724, Mirich must have been mis- 
taken. It was, perhaps, located somewhere in that vicinity. Webster 
had eight men under his command : — Stephen Webster, Samuel Watts 
Nicholas Brown, Jacob Whittaker, John Marsh, Eobert Ford, Samuel 
Ford, and Thomas Kingsbury. 

» It is not certain that all these were appointed at that time, hut most probably they were, 
t Perhaps he came from Hingham, as we find the same name in that town, in 1674. 


The third was owned and commanded by Jonathan Emerson ; a part of 
it is now standing on the northwest corner of Winter and Harrison streets. 

The fourth was commanded by James Ayer, and stood nearly opposite 
the house of the late Captain John Ayer, 2d, on Pond street. 

The fifth was commanded by Joseph Bradley, and was situated in the 
northerly part of the town, not far from the house of the late Zebulon Sar- 
gent ; it was long since torn down, and no traces of it now remain. 

The sixth was owned and commanded by Captain John White ; and was 
situated near the " White " house, on Mill street. Hehad six men under his 
command: — Stephen Dow, sen., Stephen Dow, jun., John Dow, Edward 
Brumidge, Israel Hendrick, Israel , jun. 

Two brick houses, belonging to Joseph and Nathaniel Peaslee, in the 
easterly part of the town, and the houses of Major Nathaniel Saltonstall 
and Captain Simon Wainwright, were appointed for houses of refuge. A 
few soldiers were stationed in them, who were under the command of the 
owners. Two watch-houses were erected, one of which stood near the house 
occupied by the late John Dow, on Main street, and the other was on the 
bank of the river, a few rods east of the " Duncan Place," on Water street. 
The houses of Joseph and Xathaniel Peaslee are yet standing ; the former 
was owned by the late Nathan Sawyer, and stands a short distance east of 
the latter, which is now owned and occupied by Captain Jesse Newcomb, 
and is situated about two miles east of Haverhill Bridge. 

The house of Mr. Saltonstall stood on the site of that of the Widow 
Samuel W. Duncan. That of Captain Simon Wainwright, stood on the site 
of the " Emerson House," opposite Winter Street Church. 

The school-house, which stood on what is now Pentuchet Cemetery, was 
also used for the same purpose. A guard of soldiers was stationed in each 
of these houses, who were on the look-out for the enemy, night and day. 

Besides these garrisons, and houses of refuge, many private houses were 
barracaded, and the inhabitants generally were prepared for any emergency. 

" Most of the garrisons, and two of the houses of refuge, (those belong- 
ing to Joseph and Nathaniel Peaslee) were built of brick, and were two 
stories high ; those that were not built of this material, had a single laying 
of it between the outer and inner walls. They had but one outside door, 
which was often so small that but one person could enter at a time ; their 
windows were about two feet and a half in length, eighteen inches in 
breadth, and were secured on the inside with iron bars. Their glass was 
very small, cut in the shape of a diamond, was extremely thick, and fas- 
tened in with lead instead of putty. There were generally but two rooms 
in the basement story, and tradition says that they entered the chamber 



(y-Ci/H' LO>r7'un<^, 


with the help of a ladder, instead of stairs, so that the inmates could re- 
treat into them, and take it up if the basement-story should be taken by 
the enemy. Their fire-places were of such enormous sizes, that they could 
burn their wood sled-length, very conveniently ; and the ovens opened on 
the outside of the building, generally at one end, behind the fire-place ; 
and were of such dimensions that we should suppose a sufiicient quantity 
of bread might have been baked in them to supply a regiment of hungry 

It was truly an age of terror with these hardy and courageous men ; and 
their descendants can have but a faint idea of the difiiculties they encoun- 
tered, and of the dangers that continually hung over their heads, threatening 
every moment to overwhelm them like a torrent. Almost every man was 
a soldier, and many, who lived in remote parts of the town, moved, with 
their families, into the vicinity of a garrison, or a house of refuge. 

This was the case with Stephen Dow and his son, who lived in the east 
part of the town, and moved near to the garrison of Capt. John White. 
The Indians had a peculiar whistle, which was made by. placing both hands 
to the mouth, and was known to be their call. It was frequently heard 
in the adjacent woods, and tradition says, that Stephen Dow, jun., was 
the only person in the garrison who could exactly imitate it ; and that he 
frequently concealed himself, and endeavored to decoy them within the 
range of the soldiers' bullets. But it does not say that he ever suc- 
ceeded. "•■•' 

April 7th, another meeting was held, "to consider what may, & is to 
be done, as to sending to the Council or General Court for their affording 
help to this place by soldiers, as it is a frontier town, exposed to great 
danger, &c." 

At this meeting, it was " Voted and agreed by the Town that a petition 
be drawn up & sent by a meet hand to the Council and General Court, to 
have sent to us, as we are a frontier town, upon the Country's charges, 40 
men at least, to be a constant daily scout, to keep out without the outmost 
gan'isons, and in constant service, so as to watch the enemy & prevent & 
surprise them, or give notice to others within, that they may be encouraged 
to do somewhat in order to future livelyhood, and in case of need to stand 
for their lives." 

Cornet Peter Ayer was " particularly made choice of to present, prefer, 
& prosecute" the petition. 

o Mirick. 


In answer to the petition of the town, soldiers were sent from Newbury, 
and other places, to Haverhill, Amesbury, and Salisbury. ■•= 

Scarcely had the inhabitants made their preparations for defence and 
security, ere the murderous savages were again in their vicinity. 

On the 5th of July, eight persons were killed at Exeter ; and two days 
afterward, three were killed at Amesbury. It was no longer safe to ven- 
ture out of doors, except in armed parties, or in the immediate vicinity 
of the garrisons, where watch was kept night and day for the enemy. 
None knew when or where an attack would be made, and the only safety 
was in strongly fortified garrisons, armed soldiers, and constant watch- 

Immediately after the news of the attacks at Exeter and Amesbury 
reached Haverhill, Major Saltonstall despatched a messenger to the Coun- 
cil, at Boston, with an urgent appeal for immediate aid. The following 
is his letter, copied from the original in the Archives of the State : — 

Havll: July 10: 1690, at almost 3 
afternoon ; 
Hond: Gentlemen 

I a,m now by ye Posts from Salisbury put upon hurrying up a line or 
two to yor: selves, & bee: of my shortness of time I cannot stand to enter 
ye abreviate of ye 2 Lres: to me ; & yrf : I have sent them to your selves 
by ye same hands y t brought ym to me ; & pray that ye Lres: may by ye 
same hands be returnd, (wc yy promise if it be permitted.) 

I shal but add a few words ; Capt: Buswells request I judg rational!, 
& most necessary to be attended ; I can as I wrote by Lt: Johnson of 
Almsbury on monday last say. That Havll: hath as much need of present 
& setled assistance as any place ; I beseech you cast us not oflF ; or give 
us comand to draw off. I do not think it much to avail but as a present 
satisfaction y t men visit us affr: mischeif is done us ; for before yy can be 
wth us ye enimie is hidden or gone, & nothing to be done but for je men 
to return, unless yy would stay as men in service, or occasion shal offer. 
Indeed ye charg is grt:, but tho: all are not, yet some are willing to bear 
their part. Foot men are most advisable, & serviceable & so, in ye end, 

" About this time, one Isaac Morrill, a native of New Jersey, came to Newbury, to entice Indians and 
Negroes to leave their masters and go with him, saying that the English should be cut off, and the Negroes 
should be free. He was arrested. May 29, 1G90, and sent to Ipswich for trial. Their intention was, to 
take a vessel out of the dock at Newbury, go to Canada, join the French, and come down upon the back 
side of the country, and save none but the negroes and Indians. They intended to come with four or five 
hundred Indians, and three hundred Canadians, between Haverhill and Amesbury, over Merrimack river, 
near " Indian river by Archelaus hill on the backside of John Emery's meadow and destroy, and then they 
might easily destroy such small towns as Haverhill and Amesbury." — Coffin Hist. Kewbury, 153. 


it will be found ; excepting only a very few to be imployed in carrying or 
fetching newes ; men complain more of difficulty to provide for horses 
than for many more men. 

The Ld: be yor Counsellor & guid in all these difficulties ; Let us have 
a speedy dispatch of the Posts, Philip Grele, & Wm Hely both of Salisb: 
yt I may give accot: to ym y t send to me ; I am not in a capacity to help 
ym, but want men for or necessary defence ; & orders to keep or own 
men to duty upon their peril, & for their being sent to Boston for judgmt 
according to yr desert, yt is, some of ym. I am Gentlemen 

your true servant 

N: Saltonstall 

On the 31st of August, as Samuel Parker, and a small boy, were engaged 
in curing hay in the East Parish, at the east-meadow, a party of Indians 
surprised them, and shot Parker dead on the spot. The boy ran in an op- 
posite direction from the smoke of the assailants, and by concealing himself 
in the tall grass, escaped uninjured, and was the first to bear the melan- 
cholly tidings of Parker's death to his family. =■•' 

September 21st, is memorable for an attack on Casco, in which eight 
persons were killed, and twenty-four wounded. This was the last foray of 
that season, and the Indians, according to their custom, gradually withdrew 
as winter approached, toward Canada. 

Believing that the inhabitants could now, for the winter months at least, 
take care of themselves, the General Court (Oct. 10) ordered "that Maj 
Saltonstall do dismiss home the scout of ten troopers appointed to be em- 
ployed between Haverhill & Salisbury by direction of the said Major for 
security of said towns in the time of harvest." On the 22d of the same 
nv)nth, they ordered that all the garrison soldiers posted in the towns of 
Haverhill, Salisbury, and Amesbury, be forthwith dismissed. Two weeks 
afterward, (Xov. 7) all the officers and soldiers at Piscataqua were ordered 
home ; and a few weeks still later, (Dec. 13) one-third of all the eastern 
garrisons were disbanded. 

While the inhabitants were thus surrounded by all the horrors of savage 
warfare, the small pox broke out among them. This loathsome disease 
was then but little understood, and was much more terrible to encounter 

° The following doubtless refers to this attack, though the account is far from correct : — 
"This morne about seven ye the clocli news came to me from Rowley yt Majr Saltonstall sent to New- 
berry : vizt, yt two men of Haverhill was in the evening last uight about three miles out of the towne 
lookig after their come : their fields were about fift rods one from the other ; each about their owne ; one 
of them is escaped who heard a gun which he supposed to be shot at ye other man & espying Indians Run 
for it but saith yt he heard at least ten more guns cfe ye man not returning he is supposed to be killed, for 
he that escaped heard them give a Grat Shout." — Extract from a Letter of Samuel Appleton, of Ips- 
wich, to the Governor. September 1, 1690. 


than at the present day ; and we need not wonder that the town was 
greatly alarmed. A pest-house was erected on the hill east of the house 
of the late Joseph Bradley, to which the infected were removed. But few, 
however, died of the disease. 

Mirick says, " We can learn of hut six persons who died with this dis- 
ease. They were Abraham Hendrick, Mary Ford, and her daughter Mary, 
Josiah Starling, Euth Hartshorne, and Thomas Marsh. The records say 
that John Stockhridge ' went to sea & died of the small pox,' " 

Taking advantage of the short respite from savage incursion, the town 
again turned their attention to the matter of securing a minister. 
Mr. Eolfe had now been laboring among them a year, and was so well 
liked, that a meeting was called (Dee. 31) to see about securing his " fur- 
ther help in the ministry." They unanimously voted to do so, if they 
could, and a committee was chosen to treat with him. 

At the annual town meeting the following spring, (1691) nothing was 
done except to choose town officers. With the. opening of spring, the in- 
habitants feared fresh outrages by the Indians, and they had little heart 
to engage in anything except measures for the sujjport and defense of their 

On the 16th of June, John Kobie, of this town, was killed by the sav- 
ages. Warned by the impending danger, Eobie had taken his family from 
his own dwelling, to a house of refuge, that stood where the house of Ben- 
jamin Clement now stands, in the North Parish. He was returning from 
this mission with his cart and oxen, and had reached about midway of the 
burying-ground, near the residence of Jesse Clement, when a ball struck 
him down. His son, Ichabod, who was with him, was taken prisoner, but 
soon after managed to escape, and returned home. Eobie's wife died, a 
few days previously, leaving a family of seven children, the oldest of 
which was not quite eleven years of age. This doubtless led him to seek 
safety for them in the house of refuge. A letter from Nathaniel Salton- 
stall, to ]\[ajor Pike, of Newbury, dated "June 15, 1691, 12 at night," 
states, that Eobie was killed about two hours before sunset, " near the 
woods near Bradley's." 

At the same attack, Nathaniel Ladd was s^ot, and soon after died of 
his wounds. 

No further damage was done by the Indians in the vicinity'- until Octo- 
ber, when, says Hutchinson, "a family was killed at Eowley and one at 
Haverhill.f Perhaps he had reference to the above persons ; if not, the 

<' On the 28th of September, seven persons were killed and captured at Berwick ; and on the following 
day, between twenty and thirty at Sandy Beach. 

t Vol. 1, p. 359. We find, however, that the History of Rowley places it one year later — 1692. 


name of that family must remain in obscurity, for there is no account of 
the death of any other person, this year, by the Indians. The family 
killed at Eowley was named Goodrich. 

The constant state of anxiety and fear in which the colonists were kept 
during these long and dreary months, and years, may be judged from the 
fact that in Newbury, which was far less exposed than either of the fron- 
tier towns, jifty-one persons kept loatcli each nifjlit. 

The new year brought no brighter prospects, but rather the reverse. 
On the 5th of February, a large body of French and Indians attacked 
York, Maine, burned all but three or four garrisoned houses, killed about 
seventy-five of its inhabitants, and captured eighty-five. The work of 
slaughter had re-commenced in fearful earnest. 

At the annual meeting of 1692, but little was done except the election 
of officers. • A few applications were made for land, and Samuel Dalton 
asked permission to build a corn-mill on Mill Brook, but all were refused. 
The inhabitants were evidently so engrossed in the all important matter of 
personal security, that they had little courage left for extending their 

On the 18th of July, Hannah Whittiker, of this town, was killed by the 
Indians.''' The particulars of her death are now lost. 

On the same day that Hannah Whittiker was killed, an attack was made 
on Lancaster, Mass., and six persons were killed. August 1st, the same 
n amber were killed at Billerica; and September 29th, twenty-one were 
killed and captured at Eye Beach. 

Sometime in August, John Keezar took his scythe and his gun, and 
went to the Pond Meadow to cut grass. He laid his gun down beside a 
tree, and while mowing, a short distance from it, an Indian, who had 
seeretly observed his motions, crept silently along, and secured the gun 
before Keezar was aware of it. The Indian then brought it to his shoul- 
der, and exultingly exclaimed — "me kill you now." Keezar saw that 
an attempt to fly would be attended with certain death, and his only re- 
course was to stratagem. Soon as he saw that the Indian had secured his 
gun, he faced about and ran toward him, shouting at the top of his voice, 
swinging his glittering scythe, and threatening to cut him in pieces. This 
daring conduct, in one whom the Indian expected would fly, or beg for his 
life, his terrible threatenings, and the formidable appearance of his wea- 
pon, completely affrighted him ; and he threw down his stolen gun, and 

° Hannah Whittiker was the wife of Abraham Whittiker, Jun. Her maiden name was " Beame." She 
was married April, 16S2. 



fled for his life. Keezar followed close upon his heels, repeatedly striking 
at him with his scythe. At length he reached him, and at one stroke, 
buried it in his howcls.'- 

The enemy were all around them, continually watching for opportuni- 
ties to make a successful attack, and the situation of the inhabitants of 
this town was perilous in the extreme. None knew when or where the 
blow would fall, but it was daily and hourly expected. In answer to a 
call for aid. Sir William Phipps ordered twelve soldiers to be sent from 
Newbury to Haverhill, November 1st, to assist in protecting the town* 
Happily no other assault was made that season. 

With the return of another winter, came the necessity of again consid- 
ering the matter of Mr. Eolfe's settlement as minister, and a meeting wa& 
called for that purpose. At this meeting, the question, "whether Mr. 
Bcnj Bolfe, whom this town hath had experience of in the ministry near 
three years, shall be the man pitched upon for that work, and to be our 
settled minister in Haverhill," was " by a full vote," passed in the affirm- 
ative, and a committee was chosen to agree with him. 

December Sth, a meeting was called, to hear the report of the committee, 
which was made in the form of a letter from Mr. Eolfe. The following is 
a copy : — 

" Haverhill Nov 21, 1692. 
To the Town of Haverhill, 

Gentlemen : 

The Committee chosen and appointed by you on Oct 25, 92, to treat 
with me in order to my settlement among you as your minister ; have been 
with me and acquainted me as far as they could with the Town's mind in 
this affair, making some proposals which they thought might be agreea- 
ble to what you approve of : 

Upon which I make you this brief return — That it is not my design 
nor desire to propose for what may rationally be thought hard : But only 
that there may be such a competent, comfortable settlement, as that there- 
by I, or any that shall be called to be your minister, may be capable to 
endeavour the discharge of that duty that God requires of persons under 
such circumstances without distraction. 

The want of this will be uncomfortable to you and your minister : and, 
That in order hereto I presume that there is no rational man but will 
think it requisite, that, in such a place as this is, where there is no house for 
the ministry ; there be (in some convenient place) allotted to him a small 

o Traditiou. — Mirick. 


parcel of land, on which he may at his own cost (with the help of such as 
shall freely offer thereto) erect an house to dwell in which he may call his 
own ; and 

Inasmuch as your Committee have proposed to me by order of the Town, 
what place in the Town would be most satisfactory to me to dwell in ; — 
I reply, that I think it beyond mc to determine. The Town's pleasure in 
this matter will doubtless be for accommodation. 

But except the Town can think of a more convenient place, I know no 
objection against that place on which Nathaniel Smith did formerly dwell, 
or any near it. 

AVith respect to a settled yearly maintain, I object not against what the 
Town by their Committee have already settled on me : Provided, that in 
convenient season, when the work is doubled, and the Town comes to be 
under better circumstances, there be such an addition to it, as shall ration- 
ably be thought requisite. 

Your speedy conclusion upon what hath been proj^osed will enable me 
to give you a more full answer : 

In the meantime I remain 

Yours in all christian offices 

Benjamin Eolfe." 

Upon the reading of Mr. Eolfe's letter, it was voted: — ■ 

" That Mr Benj Eolf, who hath, for about three years been an help here, 
in the work of the ministry with Mr Ward ; If he please to settle here in 
the ministerial work shall have, & hereby hath, that piece of land freely 
bestowed upon him as his own proper estate, which was laid out by the 
Town's committee June 24, 1681, and approved of, near where Nathaniel 
Smith formerly lived, and is also joining to that two acres which was given 
by the Town to Samuel Wilcot." 

The selectmen were, at the same time, directed to treat with the owners 
about buying Wilcot's two acres, to be added to the rest. 

Toward the last of the next month, (Jan. 30, 1693) another meeting 
was called, to see if the town would confirm its vote to settle Mr. Eolfe, as 
some objections had been made to that meeting, "because of the shortness 
of warning." The town declared that, " by a clear vote, it is renewed, 
allowed of, confirmed, made, and to be stood unto, for the full and free 
vote of the Inhabitants of Haverhill." There could be no mistaking their 
intentions this time, most certainly. 

Mr. Eolfe was gxanted the free and full improvement of the Parsonage 
farm and meadow, then on lease to Mr. Bradley, so long as he continued 
in the town as their minister, and also of the Parsonage land bought of 


William Starlin, besides what was otherwise appointed him for his 
annual salary. It was also voted to lay him out, with all convenient 
speed, ten acres of good meadow, for hia free use while he remained their 

We have already alluded to the charter received in 1G92. It was a far 
different instrument from the colonial charter of 1G29, and effected a 
thorough revolution in the country. The form of government, the powers 
of the people, and the entire foundation and objects of the body politic, 
were placed uj)on a new basis. 

Sir W^illiam Phipps, the first governor of the province under the new 
charter, arrived at Boston on the 14th of May, 1692. Writs were imme- 
diately issued for a general assembly, which convened in the following 
month, and the government was duly inaugurated. 

These changes in the government of the province, necessitated corres- 
ponding changes in the organization of towns, and, accordingly, at the 
next annual meeting of this town, several new officers were chosen, and 
the name of the town Eecorder was changed to Toivti Clerk. 

The following is a list of the first board of town officers under the new 
charter : — 

Lt John Johnson, Moderator; Nathl Saltonstall, Town Clerk; Ensign 
Thomas Eatton, Cornet Peter Ayer, Sergt Eobert Ayer, Sergt John Page, 
Nathl Saltonstall, Selectmen; Eobert Swan sen., Samuel Currier, James 
Sanders, Ensign John White, & Sergt Josiah Gage, Highway Surveyors ; 
Michael Emerson, Leather Sealer; Ensign Thomas Eatton, Sealer of 
Weights 8f Measures ; Sergt Josiah Gage, Lieut Saml Ayer, Sergt John 
Haseltine, Capt Geo Browne, AVm Starlin, & Joseph Johnson sen, Tyth- 
ing-men ; for Viewers of Fences, for the West side of the Sawmill Eiver, 
Ensign Saml Hutchins, Onesiph Mash sen ; — between the West bridge 
and Mill brook and northward as far as Ephraim Gild's, John Johnson 
Saml Emerson ; — between the Mill brook and Great Plain, Eph Eoberts, 
Israel Hendrick ; — for the Great Plain and fields below that, to the ex- 
tent of Haverhill bounds, on that quarter to the eastward, Amos Singletory, 
John Whittier ; — for the northern farms about Wm Starlin's, and in that 
quarter, Joseph Johnson sen, Christopher Bartlett; Steven Dow sen, 
Grand Juror ; Daniel Lad jun, for Jury of Trials. 

At this meeting, Joseph Peasely was granted the privilege of erecting a 
sawmill " at the head of east meadow river upon the stream by or near 
Brandy Brow." The location selected was the one still occupied, and 
known as " Peaslee's Mills." It is now, and we believe has most of the 
time, since 1693, been owned by persons of that name. 


We notice tliat more 'business relating to lands, and similar matters, was 
done by the town this year, than for several years previously, which indi- 
cates a returning confidence, and prosperity. No allusions are made to 
the Indians in the records, and we do not find any mention of persons 
being killed by them, this year, in the vicinity, except Jonathan Franklin 
in this town, and one person in Dover. 

May 8th, a town meeting was called, " for the people to join with the 
church and take care for the providing necessaries for Mr Eolf 's ordina- 
tion in office in this town." After choosing a Moderator, " the Town 
resolved to stop in the proceedings till they knew what Mr Ward would 
abate of his yearly maintanance." The following proposal from him, 
dated November 13, 1692, was then read: — 

" In answer to the Town's proposal to me to know what I would abate 
of my yearly maintenance, and upon what terms they should be with me 
in case they got another minister to help with me in the ministry, I gi-ant 

In case the Church and Town do procure another Minister to be settled 
in office in the work of the ministry in Haverhill ; Then from that time 
and forward I will abate to the Town of what they ought to pay to me by 
Covenant and Town orders, all, excepting only Twenty pounds in Corn, 
and Fifty cords of current merchantable cord wood, to be paid as foUow- 
eth, annually, during my life ; viz. 

Ten pounds in merchantable Wheat, and 
Ten pounds in merchantable Indian, and 
Fifty cords of Oak and Walnut wood, to be laid in at my house, and corded 
by one thereto appointed at the Town's charges ; for time as followeth, 
viz : 

Half in October, annually ; and the other Half in February annually. 

Provided that all arrears be truly paid me, and that myself and estate 
I be exempted from all rates ; and that the Town do appoint one or two 
men to attend at my house upon a set day to receive and take account of 
what shall be brought in, and set the price thereof if it be not merchant- 
able, that so it come not in pitiful driblets as formerly. 

And in case the conditions be not performed within the year, by the 2d 
of February annually ; then the whole Sixty pounds to be paid annually, 
according to town orders already made, and so proportionably. 

John Ward." 

After this letter was read, the meeting chose a committee of four, "to 
go and see what Mr Ward will abate of his annual covenanted mainte- 


nance, in order to the settlement of Mr B Eolf for a minister here." The 
following is their report : — 

"The messengers, by word of mouth, return Mr Ward's answer: That 
from and after Mr Eolf 's ordination, he will abate all except Twenty 
Pounds in Wheat & Indian annually, & Fifty cords of merchantable 
sound wood corded at his house." 

The town accepted the offer. A vote was then passed that " care shall 
at the Town's charge be taken for a place and provision for entertainment 
at Mr Eolf 's ordination," provided it did not exceed ten pounds ; but as 
" several men proclaimed against it with great violence," the vote was 

The following agreement of the committee with Mr. Eolfe, was then ap- 
proved and confirmed : — 

" We," Eobert Ayer, Peter Ayer, and Steven Dow, who are the present 
Committee in that affair have covenanted and agreed with said Mr Eolf; 
and do hereby covenant & agree, and promise to & with the said Eolf and 
his heirs and assigns, as the said Committee men, and on behalf of the said 
Town by virtue of their orders and acts, and because one vote may take off 
a preceding one by the unsteadiness of a multitude : That Mr Eolf may 
not be disappointed, We not only for the Town in general, but for our- 
selves in particular, as the said Town's Committee, and for our successors, 
do covenant and agree as followeth : 

1. That Mr Benjamin Eolf during the time of his abode in this Town 
in the work of the ministry, until he is settled with us in ofiice in that 
work, shall have paid unto him by the Town Sixty pounds per annum in 
Wheat, Eye, and Indian Corn, by eq^ual proportions of each, at the price 
of the grain in the Country rate, at the time of payment. So that the 
whole may be paid into him, or his order in Haverhill, by the 2d of Feb- 
ruary annually. 

2. That Mr Eolf out of his Sixty pounds is to provide personal quar- 
ters for himself as he shall think good. 

3. We the Committee before mentioned do further promise to said .Mr 
Eolf that upon the Town's charge, in convenient season annually, there 
shall be laid in for him a sufficient quantity and stock of good, sweet, and 
dry, and sound Hay for the keeping his horse through the winter at such 
place in Haverhill as he shall appoint." 

*' The introductory paragraph, which merely rehearses when and for what the committee were chosen, 
we liave omitted, as unimportant. 

niSTOBY 01' nAVERIIILL. 167 

The agreement is signed by the committee. The following is the letter 
of Mr. Eolfe, accepting the terms offered : — 

" Haverhill April 29, 1G93. 

In answer to the Election of the Town of Haverhill signified by public 
vote at a general orderly meeting with respect to my being their settled 
minister, and to the call of the Church of Christ there ; 

The Providence of God having so ordered, as to move his people here to 
invite me to settle among them for the carrying on of the great and solemn 
work of the ministry of the gospel of Christ, 

I do hold it my duty to consider & take notice of the special Providence 
of God therein, and therefore do hereby express myself willing to settle 
among them for that end : viz : 

1st. So long as the people of God here do continue in the profession of 
the true faith and peace of the gospel — Acts 2:42.=--' 

2d. So long as I may have the liberty of my ministry among them. 

3d. So long as I can discharge my duty to myself and family, if it shall 
please God to give me one ; I mean by this, That the Town comply with 
and duly discharge for the present, that obligation with respect to a yearly 
maintenance that they by their Committee are now under to me. Grant- 
ing also to me a supply of wood as soon as I shall stand in need of it. 
And if it shall please God so to order it that the whole work be devolved 
upon me, or to bring them out of those difficulties that by occasion of the 
war they are now under : They grant to me such a supply as that thereby 
I may so live as a minister of the gospel ought to live, and be able without 
distraction by wants, to discharge my duty as a minister of Christ to God 
and yourselves. 

Thus I say I do express myself willing to settle among you with a true 
intention and true affection. 

Benjamin Eolfe." 

Having at last seen his successor selected, provided for, and firmly 
seated in the affections of the people with whom he had himself lived so 
long, and so happily, and for whose welfare he had devoted the best years of 
a long life, the venerable John "Ward was soon laid beside her whom in life 
he had loved so well. He died on the 27th of December, 1693, and was 
buried on the following day, almost in the very shadow of the humble 
little church where, for nearly a half century, his voice had been heard 
from Sabbath to Sabbath earnestly pleading with the Father for bless- 

" "And they continued steadfastly in tlie Apostle's doctrine and fellowship, and in breaking of bread, 
and in prayers." — Acts 2, 42. 


ings upon his little flock.* Mr. Eolfe, on the day of his ordination, 
speaking of him, says, that " these four years past have heen the happiest 
and most profitable to me of my whole life. I have had the councils of 
wisdom and experience, the admonitions of a father and friend, and an ex- 
ample constantly before me, of undissembled virtue, ardent piety and 
burning zeal." 

The following is an extract from his will, which bears date May 27, 


" Lord, into thy hands commit I my spirit. Credo languida fide sed 
tamen fide. 

Concerning that portion of worldly goods which God of his rich bounty 
hath bestowed upon me, I make this my last will and testament. I give 
to my beloved son Benja. Woodbridge, and to my beloved daughter, Mary, 
his wife, one parcell of land containing thirty acres, more or less, lying 
att the norwest end of the towne of Haverhill, in N. England. * =•■' =■■•' •■'^ '■' 
1 give to my beloved son, Nathl. Saltonstall, and to my beloved daughter, 
Elizabeth, his wife, my house, and land adjoyning thereto, commonly 
called the houselott, lying in the town of Haverhill, J '•■^ * =•■- * Lastly, I 
constitute and appoynt my beloved son, Saltonstall, the executor of this 
my last will and testament, and do hereby make void all former AVills 
made by me. 

Witness my hand and seal 

JOHN WAED. [seal.] 

Signed and sealed in the presence of us ; 

William White, Thomas Eaton, Benja. Eolfe. 
Jan. 23, 92-3, owned before John White." 
Mr. Eolfe was ordained on the 7th of the January following Mr. Ward's 

At the annual meeting for 1694, the town refused to choose Ty thing- 
men, (and also a Hayward, Culler of Staves, Eield Drivers, and House 
Officers,) according to law ; but we find that a few weeks afterward, a 
town meeting was held " by the order of the Sherifi"," to choose a repre- 
sentative to the assembly, and tythingmen. The government seem to have 
allowed the omission of the others, but refused to entertain the idea that a 
town could get along without tythmgmen. The duty of a tythingman was 

*' On the 19th, of November, 1693, Mr. Ward, then just entering his eighty-eighth year, preached an ex- 
cellent sermon, — his last public eflbrt. — Mather. 

t Two months after the death of his wife. 

I This homestead, since known as the "Saltonstall Place," about half a mile cast of the Bridge, re- 
mained in possession of the family until after the Revolution. It is now familiarly known as the ;' Widow 
Duncan's Place." 


to preserve good order in the church during divine service, and to mate 
complaint of any disorderly conduct. It is but recently that the office 
was abolished. The writer well remembers when " the tythingman " 
served as an effectual " bugbear " for juvenile church-goers. 

This year, all the town officers were, for the first time, duly " sworn " 
to the faithful performance of their several official duties, — a practice 
which has since become a custom. 

July 2d, a meeting was called to see about the meadow land for the 
ministry, which had been laid out, but was claimed by Robert Swan, sen,, 
who had prosecuted the town for taking it away from him. The town 
voted to fight it out with him, "according to law." 

On the 30th of July, a meeting was held, •' by command of the 
Country," to choose assessors, and Captain Simon Wainwright, Ensign 
John White, and Cornet Peter Ayer were duly chosen and sworn. 

This was the first board of assessors chosen by the town. For a few 
years preceding this, a " commissioner" had been annually chosen to act 
with the selectmen in taking valuations. 

After nearly two years of comparative freedom from molestation by the 
Indians, the inhabitants were again alarmed by news of horrible massa- 
cres, and threatened extermination. 

On the 18th of July (1694) the settlement at Oyster River was again 
attacked, and ninety-four of its inhabitants killed and captured. This 
sad news had hardly reached this town, when another messenger conveyed 
the intelligence of four more victims at Portsmouth ; and within a week 
later, Groton was surprised, twenty-two persons killed, and thirteen 
wounded. The enemy were all around them, and terror sat on every 
countenance. Three weeks later, five persons were killed at York, and 
the same week, eight more were added to the long list of victims from 

September 4th, two men, Joseph Pike and Ptichard Long, both of New- 
bury, were slain by the savages as they were travelling, near the north of 
Pond Plain. " The enemy lay in a deserted house by the way, or in a 
clump of bushes, or both."-' 

Although no other attack was made in this town that year, yet the in- 
habitants had every reason to expect them, and the strictest watch was 
kept, day and night, and every precaution taken to preserve life and pro- 

"■ Pike's Journal. Neal, in h!s ITisforyof Ne.w Enr/land, says, iintler date of September 4. 1694: — 
"Mr. Joseph Pike of Newbury, Deputy SherilTof Essex, travelling with one Long between Amesbury 

and Haverhill in the execution of his office, fellinto an Ambuscade of the enemy, and both he and hi 

companion were murdered." 



perty, in case of such emergency. Under such circumstances, as we may 
well suppose, there were occasionally false alarms, when a whole garrison 
or neighborhood would be thrown into the greatest consternation and fear, 
without serious cause. One of the most ludicrous of these alarms, occur- 
red at the garrison commanded by Sergeant Nathaniel Haseltine,=- which 
is thus related by Mirick, from tradition : — 

" In the dead of night, when the moon shone fitfully through the ragged 
clouds, and the winds moaned solemnly on the wooded hills, the watch, 
the only person awake in the garrison, perceived something within the 
paling that surrounded it, which he supposed to be an Indian ; and v/ho 
was, as he thought, endeavoring to gain an entrance. Being considerably 
affrighted, he did not wait to consider the object coolly, but raised his 
musket and fired. The report alarmed the whole garrison. The women 
and children were awakened from their slumbers, and ran hither and 
thither like maniacs, expecting that they should fall beneath the tomahawk. 
The men, equally affrighted, jumped into their breeches as though their 
lives depended on their speed, seized their guns, and hastened to the port- 
holes. Every man now displayed his heroism. Volley after volley was 
fired at the suspicious looking object — but it fell not. There it remained, 
just as it did when the watch first observed it. This was truly a mystery, 
that had no whys nor wherefores. It is presumed a consultation was held 
at this important crisis ; but we have never been informed of the result. 
Let that be as it may, — they ceased firing, but continued under arms till 
morning, all prepared for immediate action, and keeping a good look-out 
for the supposed enemy. At length the morning began to dawn, and all 
eyes were turned toward the daring intruder. They soon discovered the 
cause of their alarm — and what do you suppose it was, reader ? Why, 
it ^as nothing but an old maid's black fjuilted petticoat, which she had 
washed the day previous, hung it on the clothes-line to dry, and neglected 
to take it in at night. "When it was taken down, every part of it was 
pierced with bullet-holes, and, for aught we know, the poor old maid had 
no other to wear. It is thought that those excellent marksmen ought to 
have provided her with another — and doubtless they did." 

In 1695, the annual meeting was held on the first Tuesday in March, 
according to an Act of the Assembly. 

At this meeting, Peter Patie applied for permission to build a grist mill 
at east meadow river, but was denied. For some reasons, now unknown, 
there was great delay and difficulty in getting such a mill erected on that 
stream. Many years previously, Andrew Greelee applied for, and received 

1\s one at Pecker's HilL 


permission to erect such a mill tliere, and partly built a dam, but, for 
some reason, abandoned tlic enterprise, and nothing more was done about 
it for several years. In 1694, Nathaniel Whittier applied for the privi- 
lege, but he wanted twelve acres of land as a bonus, which the town 
thought too much. They offered him the use of four acres, which he re- 
fused, and the same offer being then opened to any one who would accept, 
Joseph Greelee and Joseph Peasely agi-eed to erect the mill ; but they also 
failed to doit, and, in 1696, the town gave Samuel Currier and Joseph 
G-reelee permission to build, and allowed them the use of ten acres of land 
for their accommodation and encouragement. But it seems that they did 
not make much progress that year, for Peter Patie applied to the town the 
next spring for the same privilege. The town refused Patie, because they 
were already under obligations to Currier and Greelee, who, we believe, 
soon after erected such a mill. It was located at the place known for 
many years as Johnson's Mill, about one-fourth of a mile from the mouth 
of the stream. 

For the first time, the town this year chose a Town Treasurer. Lieu- 
tenant Samuel Ayer was the person selected. Mr. Piolfe applying for wood, 
the town voted him fifteen cords a year, for three years. John OHld 
offered the town sixteen pounds for " the side hill adjoining Great Pond," 
which offer was accepted. He was to pay " one third currant money, one 
third good Indian corn, & one third good fat neat cattle fit for slaughter." 

The matter of bounds between this town and Amesbury came before 
the town again this year, after a quiet rest for many years. This time, as 
before, Amesbury commenced the agitation. The town ordered the select- 
men to see that the matter was settled forthwith. They evidently had no 
desire for an extended controversy. 

The selectmen were also ordered to attend to the settling of " schools of 
karning" in town, and "to settle a suitable school-master, according to 

Among the records of this year, we find a copy of a receipt from the 
State Treasurer, for " eight wolves heads at six shillings eight pence, in 
full for ihirtT/ thousand pounds assessment." Something of a discount, 
we think. 

At an adjournment of the annual meeting, the same year, it was ordered 
that the meeting-house " be forthwith repaired so far as is necessary for 
our present use of the place ; till we may be better fitted and provided 
with a new one." Immediately upon this vote being declared, the ques- 
tion was put " whether, when the Town builds a new Meeting house, it 
shall be set in the same place where the old house stands." This was, by 


a full vote, decided in the negative. It was then proposed, " -whether the 
next meeting house for this Town, when built, shall be set upon the Com- 
mon land near John Keyzar's & Lieut Johnson's new dwelling places. "^ 
This was decided " plentifully in the afErmative," only Captain Browne, 
John Whittier, and Samuel Currier dissenting. It was then voted " that 
a new meeting house shall be built forthwith, with what speed may be,"^ 
and a committee was chosen to " treat with men abroad " about doing the 
work, and report their proposals to the town. 

The next we hear of the matter, is in May of the next year, when vt 
meeting was called to see whether the town would build a new meeting- 
house, or repair the old one. 

They voted to build a new one, and chose a committee " to look out a 
workman that can & will engage to do the work by the lump, or great, for 
money." They were " to look out & view some meeting houses for dimen- 
sions," and then propose the work to some person or persons, either at 
home or abroad- 

On the 28th of July, the committee reported that they had " been abroad 
at several towns, taking dimensions of several meeting houses, and having 
an^llccount of the cost of them," and "after bartering with divers work- 
man," found Sergeant John Hasel tine ''the most inclinable to build of 
any one." Haseltine offered to build a meeting-house fifty feet long, forty- 
two feet wide, and eighteen feet stud, "finishing the same within 
& without, with seats, pulpit, galleries, windows, doors, floors, & stairs," 
after the pattern of the Beverly meeting-house, and daing the sides after 
the style of the Beading meeting-house, finding all material, for four hun- 
dred pounds, money. After a long debate about the place for the house 
to stand, and the price proposed, the dimensions proposed were accepted, 
and the meeting closed without further action. 

Nothing more was done about the matter until April 10, 1697, when 
another meeting was called for that special purpose. This time, the town 
voted that " there be a meeting house forthwith framed," and chose a 
committee to agree with Sergeant John Haseltine, or any other man, about 
the work. They were to agree for the whole work and material, even "to 
turning of the key," and were limited to four hundred pounds in money. 
The house was to have " a Turret for a bell," and it was agreed to set it 
" at the place by Lieut John White's and Mr Samuel Dalton's." 

But the end was not yet. In June, another meeting was called 
to consider the committee's report. After " much discom-se and difference 
about the place where the new meeting house should be erected," it was 


voted to call another meeting of the town before deciding the matter. 
Accordingly, on the 5th of July, the inhabitants again assembled, to con- 
sider the vexed question. Upon the question of location for the new 
meeting house, " paper votes were called for," and with the following 
result'^^ : — 

" For the old place that now is 25f 

For the common land near Keyzar's 53." 

Paper votes were then called for, in choosing a new committee to go on 
with the work, and Captain Samuel Ayer, Corporal Peter Ayer, and En- 
sign John Page, were declared chosen. The committee were then granted 
full powers, within the previously mentioned limits, as to cost. 

So strong, however, appears to have been the opposition to the new loca- 
tion, that the matter of building progressed very slowly, and one year 
after the above meeting, (July 4, 1698,) another was called " by warrant 
from a Justice of the Peace," on petition of eight of the inhabitants, who 
desired that a committee might be chosen " to hear all pleas on both sides, 
and determine where the new frame should be raised." In this request, 
thirty-three more joined. The Moderator then called for the names of 
those opposed to having such a commitee, " which was drawn and brought 
in," and, being counted, numbered sixty-three names ; upon which he de- 
clared against having any such committee, and the meeting dissolved. 

Summer passed, autumn came and went, and when winter again ap- 
proached, the work on the new meeting house had progressed so far that it 
was, by many, thought advisable to meet in it for worship. 

A meeting was therefore called by the selectmen, to consider " whether 
the people should meet this winter at the old meeting house, or at that 
which is of new erected at Widow Keyzar's." " Votes were called for by 
personal appearance and entering their names," and " thirty four persona 
entered their names for their meeting at the new house as soon as the glass 
windows are finished & set up," while eighteen persons voted for continu- 

" This was probably very near the whole number of legal voters in town, as the business doubtless called 
out the full stn ngth of the voters. 

t Nathl Saltonstallt John Currierf Jona'n Eattonf Tho Whittierf 

Peter Greent Amos Singleteryt Joseph Greeleef John Eattonf 

Elisha Davist Samuel Currierf John Page Junf Benj Page 

Daniel Elaf Joseph Peasly sent Robert Clement jun Ric Hazent 

Jotham Hendrickt Joseph Whittierf Geo Browncf James Sanders sen 

Cornelius Page Ric Whittierf Ens Eattonf Abiel Mercert 

Those to whose names is annexed a (t) also entered their protest against the subsequent action of 
the meeting. 


ing in the okl meeting-liouse, " till a new meeting house he quite 

It being thus decided to remove, the selectmen were chosen "to deter- 
mine the places, and what room shall be allowed to such as shall desire to 
have pews in the new meeting house ; and to whom it shall be allowed ; 
They being at the cost for the making of them for their own use as is 
usual in other places ; any other form for seats formerly thought of not- 

The Recorder informs us that " much discourse was held about pulling 
up the seats in the old meeting house to set up at a new place for the pre- 
sent meeting house ; but it was fully opposed, and reasons given, & 
therefore was not put to vote." 

This closed the proceedings of that meeting, and we find no reference to 
the subject again until the following October, (Oct. 24, 1699,) when a 
town meeting was called, " for the further consideration and settlement of 
the affairs belonging to the new meeting house." 

At this meeting, the committee last chosen reported that room had been 
allowed eight persons to make themselves pews in the new meeting-house 
at their own costf ; and after some " discourse about the new meeting 
house, and the receiving it for the end it was built for," a committee was 
chosen and sent forth to view it, and see if it was done according to agree- 
ment, and if the town should accept it or not. (It is worthy of remark 
that the chairman of the committee, Nathaniel Saltonstall, had all along 
opposed the location of the new house, and had voted against most or all 
of the propositions in favor of building it.) 

The committee attended to their duty, and submitted the following re- 
port to the same meeting : — 

"Haverhill Oct 24, 1699. 

We, the Committee above named, this day chosen, forthwith attended 
to the work we were appointed to examine, view, and pass our thoughts 

'-■ Those who voted against the removal, were the sa\ni' persons who previously voted against the pro- 
posed location of the new meeting house. The following persons voted for the change : — 

Ensign John Page Kathl Hascltine Stoph Dow sen James Sanders 

Sergt John Haseltine John Simmons John Mush Wm Johnson 

Josi'ph Bond John Dow Joseph Page Benj Emerson 

Saml Aycr jun Ensign Samuel Hutchins Matt Herriman sen Benj Hutchins 

Jos Johnson sen Jno Johnson smith Ephra'm Gild Josiah Gage 

Jos Kingsberry Mich Emerson Onis: Marsh Eph Rohcrds 

Daniel Ela James ITord Eobt Ayer Jos Heath 

Tho Kingsbery Jos Emerson Joseph Ayer 

Jno Stevens sen Jona Emerson Sam: Smith 

t Capt. S. Wainwright, Capt. Samuel Ayer, Nath. Saltonstall, Serjt. John Haseltine, Lieut. John 
White, Widow Hannah Ayer and son, Ens. John Page, Sergt. Josiah Gage. 


upon, and make our return to tlie Town in order to their further proceed. 
Do unanimously say 

We have viewed the house without and within, and have measured the 
house in its length, breadth, & height, and find them all to exceed the 
covenant dimensions : That is to say, in length upwards of 8 inches ; in 
the breadth also better than 8 inches ; and in the height of the stud be- 
tween sill and plate about 12 inches : and the outsides to be well fitted and 
comely ; and for the work within we find, and account it to be good, sub- 
stantially, well & commendably done, with respect to the walls, pulpit, 
and seats below and in the galleries ; and cannot but say, we like and well 
approve of the work ; and therefore we humbly propose to the Town now 
assembled to accept of the same as to the work and workmans part, in 
said Covenant, his additions being much for the better. And he having 
appeared to be honest, and honestly faithful to his word, we have taken 
his word for some small matters to be farther done to the seat or pew for 
the minister's wife & children, and to make troughs or gutters on the sides 
of the house at the eves to carry the water that comes off the roof from 
the sides, so that it may fall at the corners : which said work tho necessary, 
is beyond what he was obliged unto by covenant. And we again do pray 
that the Town will accept of his work with thankfulness to him for his 
care & pains, & take care that the Town's part for payment be also faith- 
fully & seasonably performed. 

Witness, Nath. Saltonstall, 

Simon Wainwright, 
Lt John White, 
Capt John Whittier, 
Daniel Ela," 

Upon the reading of the above, "the Town by their unanimous vote, 
without any one voting to the contrary, granted their acceptance of the 
Committee's return, above written, and of the New meeting house accord- 
ing thereunto." 

It was then long debated whether a committee should be chosen '* to 
seat the people in the long seats in the new meeting house before it should 
he ?net in," but being opposed, no vote was taken.-' 

The town then formally voted that the new meeting-house should be the 
place where the people should *n future " meet and attend for the constant 
worship of God," 

" From this, it is evident that no meetings had as yet been held in the new house, notwithstanding the 
vote of the pievious falL 


Immediately upon this, " Joseph Peasely &c. moving that the Town 
•would allow him & others to meet at the new meeting house for, and in 
their way of worship : which is accounted to be for Quakers : It was read 
& refused to be voted upon."" 

November 20th, a meeting was called to choose a committee " to place 
or seat the people in the new meeting house, that they may know where to 
sit, & not disorderly crowd upon one another, and be uncivil in the time 
of God's worship." 

Such a committee was accordingly chosen, and instructed how to proceed 
in assigning seats to the inhabitants. A committee was also chosen, to 
seat the first committee, " so that there may be no grumbling at them, for 
picking for, and placing themselves." The seating committee were subse- 
quently allowed six shillings each for performing that duty. 

Having at last, after years of effort, and many warm discussions, pleas- 
antly and contentedly settled themselves in their new and commodious 
meeting-house, the town bid adieu to the old one in the following lan- 
guage : — 

" It is voted and granted that Capt Samuel Ayer, & Nath: Saltonstall 
be, and are hereby empowered to the best advantage they can to dispose 
of our old meeting house, for the public benefit of the said Town, for the 
use of a school house, or a watch-house, or a house of shelter or shed to set 
horses in, for all or any one, or more of them as they can meet with chap- 

This is the last we hear of the old meeting-house, where, for half a cen- 
tury, the good people of the town had regularly assembled from week to 
week, for divine worship ; and around which, it would seem, some of their 
most pleasant and cherished thoughts and recollections must have clustered. 
" A shed to set horses in ! " Sad, indeed, was the fate of the little pio- 
neer meeting-house of Pentucket. 

A view of the second meeting-house, taken after a steeple had been 
added, was, many years afterward, painted on a panel over the mantle- 
piece in the front room of the " Harrod House," which stood a little north of 
the present Town Hall. In order to preserve the painting, the panel was sub- 
sequently cut out, and has been carefully preserved in the family to this 
time. It is now in the possession of Charles H. Stebbins, Esq., of Staten 
Island, (a grandson of Mr. Harrod,) who kindly furnished the drawing 
from which our engraving is executed. The painting must have been made 

** Joseph Peaslee (or Peasely) was the son of Joseph, an emigrant settler, who was made a freeman in 
1642 ; settled in Newbury ; went to Haverhill previous to 16i6 ; thence to Salisbury, (now Amesbury) 
where he died December 3, 1660. 



"between 1750 and 1766. The building near the meeting-house, was 
probably the one erected in 1723, for the double purpose of a watch- 
house and a school-house. 

yy u 

i i 


The Puritan Sabbath in the villages of Kew England commenced on 
Saturday afternoon. No labor was performed on the evening which prece- 
iled the Lord's day. Early on Sunday morning the blowing of a horn in 
some places announced that the hour of worship was at hand. In other 
villages, a flag was hung out of the rude building occupied by the church. 
At Cambridge, a drum was beat in military style ; at Salem, a bell indi- 
cated the opulence of that city. 

The public religious services usually commencal at nine in the morning, 
and occupied six to eight hours, divided by an intermission of one hour 
for dinner. The people collected quite punctually, as the law compelled 
their attendance, and there was a heavy fine for any one that rode fast to 
meeting. The sexton called upon the minister and escorted him to church 
in the same fashion that the Sheriff now conducts the Judge into our State 

There were few pews in the churches, and the congregation had places as- 
signed them upon the rude benches, at the annual town meeting, according 
to their age, importance, and social standing. A person was fined if he 
occupied the seat of another. Our local histories reveal that pride, envy, 
and jealousy, were active passions among the men of olden times, and it 
was a delicate and difl^cult business to " seat the meeting-house," as it was 
quaintly called. 


Many of tte early churches of New England had two clergymen — one^ 
who was called the pastor; the other, the teacher. The congregation 
assembled at an early hour — -never later than nine o'clock. After prayer, 
a chapter from the Bible was read by one of the ministers, and expounded 
at length. In many of the churches, however, the Bible was not read at 
all, and it took years of agitation to carry that innovation. A psalm in 
metre was next sung, which was dictated line by line to the congregation. 
This service was usually performed by one of the deacons. The preacher 
did not take part in the introductory services. 

The baptisms, cases of church discipline and collections, always took 
place in the afternoon. The " long " prayer usually occupied from an hour 
to an hour and a half, and many of the sermons of this period make from 
a hundred to a hundred and fifty pages. There was a contribution every 
Sunday, preceded by an appeal from one of the deacons. The boxes were 
not carried around, but the congregation arose and proceeded t) the dea- 
con's seat, and deposited their offerings. The magistrates and "brief 
gentlemen " walked up first, the elders next, and then followed the "com- 
mon people." 

The trials of ecclesiastical offenders, at the close of the services, often 
afforded much excitement and amusement ; for some offences a particular 
dress was worn, and the " confession " of the offender was listened to with 
much interest. Oftentimes the public services were continued until after 
sunset. After the benediction, the ministers passed out of the church, 
bowing to people on both sides of the aisle, as they all sat in silence until 
the clergymen and their families had gone out. Few persons, we imagine,, 
would be willing to go back to these Sunday ceremonies of the Puritan 



1G95 TO 1700. 

Ix tlie latter j^art of the preceding chapter, we omitted matters of the 
gravest importance, in order to give a connected account of the locating 
and building of the second meeting-house in the town ; and we therefore 
return to the record of 1695, to complete our history of events, during the 
period mentioned. 

The tomahawk and the scalping knife were not yet laid aside, and the 
frontier towns continued to be laid under tribute for victims to satiate 
savage vengeance. 

The first appearance of the Indians this season, (1695) was at Exeter, 
where two persons were killed, July 7. The next was at Billerica, August 
5, when ten wei*e killed and five carried away captive. About the same 
time, two persons were wounded in this town," and two boys were cap- 
tured. The following account of the latter, we copy from Mirick : — 

" Early in the fall, a party of Indians appeared in the northerly part 
of the town, where they surprised and made prisoners of Isaac Bradley, 
aged fifteen, and Joseph Whittaker, aged eleven, who were at work in the 
open fields near Joseph Bradley's house. f The Indians instantly retreated 
with their prisoners, without committing any further violence, and pursued 
their journey through the wilderness until they arrived at their homes, on 
the shores of the Winnipisoge. Isaac, says tradition, was rather small in 
stature, but full of vigor, and very active ; and he certainly possessed 
more shrewdness than most of the boys of that age. But Joseph was a 
large, overgrown boy, and exceedingly clumsy in his movements. 

" Immediately after their arrival at the Lake, the two boys were placed 
in an Indian family, consisting of the man, his squaw, and two or three 
children. While they were in this situation, they soon became so well 

* Belknap. The persons here alluded to were, without doubt, two children of Abraham Whittaker, 
as may be seen from the following; extract from the record of March 6, 1705: — 

"At the motion of Capt. Saml Aycr, voted that the present selectmen on the Town's cost pay 
Doctr Bradstreet for what he did for Abraham Whittaker's children tuwards their cure; and also to 
pay John Stephens sen. for diggin>j a grave for some of the said Whittaker's family, which were killed by 
the Indians." 

The digging of the gi-ave was probably for Whittaker's wife, Hannah, who was killed by the Indians 
July 18, 1692. 

t Bradley lived on the Parsonage Road, near the northerly brook. Whittaker lived nearly due west 
from Bradley's, on the Derry Road, but was at the time with Isaac Bradley, at the place above mentioned. 


ac(iiuiinted with the language, that they learned from the occasional con- 
versations carried on in their j^resence, between their master and the 
neighboring Indiana of the same tribe, that they intended to carry them 
to Canada, the following sirring. This discovery was very afilictiug to 
them. If their designs were carried into execution, they knew that there 
would be but little chance for them to escape ; and from that time the 
active mind of Isaac was continually planning a mode to effect it. A 
deep and unbroken wilderness, pathless mountains, and swollen and almost 
impassable rivers, lay between them and their beloved homes ; and the 
boys feared, if they were carried still further northward, that they should 
never again hear the kind voice of a father, or feel the fervent kiss of an 
affectionate mother, or the fond embrace of a beloved sister. They feared, 
should they die in a strange land, that there would be none to close their 
eyes — none to shed for them the tear of affection — none to place the 
green turf on their graves — and none who would fondly treasure up their 

Such were the melancholy thoughts of the young boys, and they deter- 
mined to escape before their masters started with them for Canada. The 
winter came with its snow and wind — the spring succeeded, with its early 
buds and flowers, and its pleasant south wind — and still they were pris- 
oners. Within that period, Isaac was brought nigh to the grave — a 
burning fever had raged in his veins, and for many days he languished on 
a bed of sickness ; but by the care of the squaw, his mistress, who treated 
them both with considerable kindness, he recovered. Again he felt a 
strong desire to escape, which increased with his strength ; and in April 
he matured a plan for that purpose. He appointed a night to put it in 
execution, without informing his companion, till the day previous, when 
ho told him of his intentions. Joseph wished to accompany him ; to this 
Isaac demurred, and said to him, "I'm afraid you won't wake." Joseph 
promised that he would, and at night they laid down in their master's 
wigwam, in the midst of his family. Joseph soon fell asleep, and began 
to snore lustily ; but there was no sleep for Isaac — his strong desire to 
escape — the fear that he should not succeed in his attempt, and of the 
punishment that would doubtless be inflicted if he did not — and the dan- 
ger, hunger and fatigue that awaited him, all were vividly painted in his 
imagination, and kept sleep or even drowsiness far from him. His daring 
attempt was environed with darkness and danger — he often revolved it 
in his mind, yet his resolution remained unshaken. At length the mid- 
night came, and its holy stillness rested on the surrounding forest ; — it 
passed — ' and slowly and cautiously he arose. All was silejit save the 


deep drawn breath of the savage sleepers. The voice of the wind was 
scarcely audible on the hills, and the moon, at times, would shine brightly 
through the scattered clouds, and silver the broad lake, as though the robe 
of an angel had fallen on its sleeping waters. 

Isaac stepped softly and tremblingly over the tawny bodies, lest they 
should awake and discover his design, and secured his master's fire-works, 
and a portion of his moose-meat and bread ; these he carried to a little 
distance from the wigwam, and concealed them in a clump of bushes. He 
then returned, and bending over Joseph, who had, all this time, been snor- 
ing in his sleeiD, carefully shook him. Joseph, more asleep than awake, 
turned partly over, and asked aloud, " what do you want?" This egre- 
gious blunder alarmed Isaac, and he instantly laid down in his proper 
place, and began to snore as loudly as any of them. Soon as his alarm 
had somewhat subsided, he again arose, and listened long for the heavy 
breath of the sleepers. He determined to fly from his master, before the 
morning dawned. Perceiving that they all slept, he resolved to make his 
escape, without again attempting to awake Joseph, lest, by his thoughtless- 
ness, he should again put him in jeopardy. He then arose and stepped 
softly out of the wigwam, and walked slowly and cautiously from it, until 
he had nearly reached the place where his provisions were concealed, when 
he heard footsteps approaching hastily behind him. With a beating heart 
he looked backward, and saw Joseph, who had aroused himself, and find- 
ing that his companion had gone, concluded to follow. They then secured 
the fire-works and provisions, and without chart or compass, struck into 
the woods in a southerly direction, aiming for the distant settlement of 
Haverhill. They ran at the top of their speed until day-light appeared, 
when they concealed themselves in a hollow log, deeming it too dangerous 
to continue their journey in the day time. 

Their master, when he awoke in the morning, was astonished to find his 
prisoners had escaped, and immediately collected a small party with their 
dogs, and pursued them. The dogs struck upon the tracks, and in a short 
time came up to the log where the boys were concealed, when they made a 
stand, and began a loud barking. The boys trembled with fear lest they 
should be re-captured, and perhaps fall beneath the tomahawk of their 
enraged master. In this situation, they hardly knew what was best to do 
— but they spoke kindly to the dogs, who knew their voices, ceased bark- 
ing, and wagged their tails with delight. They then threw before them 
all the moose-meat they had taken from the wigwam, which the dogs in- 
stantly seized, and began to devour it as though they highly relished so 
choice a breakfast. While they were thus employed, the Indians made 


their appearance, and passed close to the log in which they were concealed, 
without noticing the employment of their dogs. The boys saw them as 
they passed, and were nearly breathless with anxiety. They followed 
them with their eyes till they were out of sight, and hope again took pos- 
session of their bosoms. The dogs soon devoured their meat, and trotted 
after their masters. 

They lay in the log during the day, and at night pursued their journey, 
taking a different route from the one travelled by the Indians. They 
made only one or two meals on their bread, and after that was gone they were 
obliged to subsist on roots and buds. On the second day they concealed 
themselves, but travelled the third night and day without resting ; and on 
that day, towards night, they luckily killed a pigeon and a turtle, a part 
of which they ate raw, not daring to build a fire, lest they should be dis- 
covered. The fragments of their unsavory meal they carried with them, 
and ate of them as their hunger recjuired, making their dessert on such 
roots as they happened to find. They continued their journey night and 
day as fast as their wearied and mangled legs would carry them. On the 
sixth day, they struck into an Indian path and followed it till night, when 
they suddenly came within sight of an Indian encampment, saw their sav- 
age enemy seated around the fire, and distinctly heard their voices. This 
alarmed them exceedingly ; and wearied and exhausted as they were, 
they had rather seek an asylum in the wide forest, and die within the 
shadow of its trees, than trust to the kindness of foes whose bosoms had 
never been moved by its silent workings. They precipitately fled, fearing 
lest they should be discovered and pursued, and all night retraced their 
steps. The morning came and found them seated side by side on the bank 
of a small stream, their feet torn and covered with blood, and each of them 
weeping bitterly over his misfortunes. Thus far their hearts had been 
filled with courage, and their hopes grew, and were invigorated with the 
pleasant thoughts of home, as they flitted vividly across their minds. But 
now their courage had fled, and their hopes had given way to despair. 
They thought of the green fields in which they had so often played — of 
the tall trees whose branches had so often overshadowed them — and of the 
hearth around which they had delighted to gather with their brothers and 
sisters, on a winter's evening, and listen to a story told by their parents. 
They thought of these, yea, of more — but as things from which they were 
forever parted — as things that had once given them happiness, but had 
forever passed away. 

They were, however, unwilling to give up all further exertions. The 
philosophy of Isaac taught him that the stream must eventually lead to a 


large body of water, and after refreshing themselves with a few roots, they 
again commenced their journey, and followed its windings. They con- 
tinued to follow it during that day and a part of the night. On the eighth 
morning, Joseph found himself completely exhausted ; his limbs were weak 
and mangled, his body was emaciated, and despair was the mistress of his 
bosom. Isaac endeavored to encourage him to proceed ; he dug roots for 
him to eat, and brought water to quench his thirst — but all was in vain. 
He laid himself down on the bank of the stream, in the shade of the bud- 
ding trees, to die, far from his friends, with none for companions but the 
howling beasts of the forest. Isaac left him to his fate, and with a bleed- 
ing heart, slowly and wearily pursued his journey. He had travelled but 
a short distance when he came to a newly raised building. Eejoiced at 
his good fortune, and believing that inhabitants were nigh, he immediately 
retraced his steps, and soon found Joseph in the same place and position 
in which he left him. He told him what he had seen, talked very encour- 
agingly, and after rubbing his limbs a long while, he succeeded in making 
him stand on his feet. They then started together, Isaac part of the time 
leading him by the hand, and part of the time carrying him on his back ; 
and in this manner, with their naked limbs mangled and wearied with 
travelling, their strength exhausted by sickness, and their bodies emaciated 
almost to skeletons, they arrived at Saco fort, sometime in the following 

Thus, on the ninth night, they arrived among their countrymen, after 
travelling over an immense forest, subsisting on a little bread, on buds and 
berries, and on one raw turtle and a pigeon, and without seeing the face 
of a friend, or warming themselves over a fire, Isaac, soon as he had re- 
gained his strength, started for Haverhill, and arrived safely at his father's 
dwelling, who had heard nothing from him since he was taken, and ex- 
pected never to see him again. But Joseph had more to suffer — he was 
seized with a raging fever soon as he reached the fort, and was for a long 
time confined to his bed. His father, when Isaac returned, went to Saco, 
and brought home his long lost son, soon as his health permitted." 

On the 7th of October, of the same fall, one person was wounded, and 
nine taken captive, at Newbury. This was the last Indian depredation of 
that year, and for the next eight months the inhabitants of the vicinity 
suffered no molestation by them, although, with the opening of spring, 
they had every reason to fear fresh incursions. But the spring wore away, 
and summer came again, with no signs of the enemy. The settlers now 
began to hope that they would once more be permitted to rest in peace, 
and suffered their watchfulness and vigilance to relax. This was appa- 


rently just what tlie cunning savages were waiting for, and well did they 
improve their opportunity. On the 26th of June, a large party fell upon 
Portsmouth, killed twenty-four, wounded one, and captured four. A few 
days afterward, they assaulted Amesbury, killed three persons, burned 
three houses, and, with hellish barbarity, tortured to death Captain Sam- 
uel Foot. On the 26th of July, Dover was attacked, three persons killed, 
three wounded, and three taken captive. August 13th, two men, — " Old 
John Hoyt," so called, and a young man named Peters, — both of Ames- 
bury, were killed by the Indians on the road between Haverhill and 

Two days afterward, Jonathan Haynes of this town, and his four chil- 
dren, Mary, Thomas, Jonathan, and Joseph, were captured.---^ The children 
were in a field near Bradley's mills, picking beans, and the father was 
reaping near by. The Indians immediately started with their captives for 
Pennacook, (Concord, N. H.) AVhen they arrived, they divided their 
prisoners, and separated, — one party taking the father and Joseph, and 
the other the remaining children. The first party started for their homes, 
in Maine, where they soon arrived. Their prisoners had remained with 
them but a short time, when they improved an opportunity to escape. 
After travelling two or three days, with scarce anything to satisfy their 
craving appetites, the old man sunk down exhausted. Finding his efforts 
to encourage his father were vain, the son started onward, and soon after 
coming to the top of a hill, he climbed a tall tree, to see if he could dis- 
cover any signs of civilization. But no such joyful sight was his. After 
the first bitter gush of grief had passed, and while he yet hesitated which 
course to take, his quick ear caught the sound of a sawmill ! He listened. 
There was no mistaking that familiar sound, and, with a glad heart and 
bounding step, he followed it, and soon found himself at the settlement of 
Saco ! 

His story was soon told, and with ample assistance, and a bottle of milk, 
he hastened back to his father, whom he found as he had left him, — laid 
down to die, without the hope or expectation of ever again looking upon 
the face of a friend. The milk, and the good news, revived him, and, with 
considerable difficulty, he reached Saco. Here they remained until their 
strength was sufficiently recruited, when they started for Haverhill, where 
they soon arrived without further difficulty. 

« Mirick is incorrect in giving the names of the children. The children of Jonathan and Sarah Haynes 
were Mary, bom November 14. 1C77; Thomas, born May 14, 16S0; Jonathan, born September 3, 1684; 
Margaret, born March 3, 1687; Joseph, born August 4,1689; Euth, born February 10, 1692; Elizabeth, 
born March 22, 1607. 


The party wLich took the other children, went to Canada, where they 
■were sold to the French. 

As the tradition is, that Mary was carried to Canada on a hand-sled, 
we presume the Indians tarried at Pennacook until winter. Mary was re- 
deemed the following winter, with one hundred pounds of tobacco. She 
afterward married John Preston, of Andover, and moved to Connecticut. 
She was living in "Windham, (Conn.) October 12, 1730, as appears by her 
signature to a deed of that date. The boys never returned. A deed of 
1731 speaks of them as still in Canada. In one of the companies in the 
Canada expedition of 1757, were three brothers named Haynes, from this 
town. "While in Canada, they had leave granted to make search for the 
captive brothers, and they found them. They had lost their mother lan- 
guage completely, and could only converse with their English relatives, 
through an interpreter. One of them enquired about his sister, who had 
one of her fingers accidentally cut ofi" by a young lad, the son of a neigh- 
bor, a short time before her capture. He recollected the circumstance, 
and asked if she was still living. Neither of them could be persuaded to 
return with their relatives. - 

Thus far, Haverhill had been spared the horrors of a general, or exten- 
sive attack. Its losses and sufferings had been principally from small 
parties of the enemy, who were continually prowling around the frontier, 
watching for opportunities to harrass, rob, murder, and capture the inhabi- 
tants. But its hour for severer trials was now near at hand. 

The 15th of March, 1697, witnessed one of the bloodiest forays of the 
whole war, and this town was the victim. On that day, a party of about 
twenty Indians came suddenly, and without warning, upon the western 
part of the town, and, with the swiftness of the whirlwind, made their 
attack, and as suddenly disappeared. 

The first house attacked was that of Thomas Duston.f Of this attack, 
and the heroic exploits of Duston and his wife, there have been various 
accounts published, and traditions handed down, which, though agreeing 

o We have these interesting traditionary incidents, from Guy C. Haynes, Esq., of Enst Boston, a native 
of Haverhill. 

t This name, at the present time, is written in various ways. It was originally written Durston, and 
was changed to Duston about the time of the above-named Thomas Duston. This is shown, not only by 
our Town Records, but by Duston's petition to the General Court, in June, 1697. lu the heading of his 
petition, (which is not in his own hand writing.) the name is written Durstan, and it is so written in 
the subsequent proceedings on the petition. But his signature to the petition is " Du(r)stan," (or perhaps 
Du(r)stun). The letter "r" must have been interpolated subsequent to his first signing the petition, and 
we think it most probable that it was done by Duston himself, so as to make his signature agree with 
the name as given in the heading of the petition. We have adopted I)i(sto7i in this work, because it is set 
written, in almost every instance, in our Town Records. 




in the main, disagree somewhat in the detail. Of them all, we think the 
account given by llev. Cotton Mather, in his Magnalia, is the most reliable. 
Mather heard the story directly from the lips of Mrs. Duston, when she 
was in Boston, (soon after her return from captivity,) and published it 
very soon after. The following is his version-- : — 

" On March 15, 1607, the Salvages made a Descent upon the Skirts of 
Haverhil, Murdering and Captivng about Thirty-nine Persons, and Burn- 
ing about half a Dozen Houses. In this Broil, one Hannah Dustan hav- 
ing lain-in about a Week, f attended with her Nurse, Mary Neff,X a Widow, 
a Body of terrible Indians drew near unto the House where she lay, with 
Designs to carry on their Bloody Devastations. Her Husband hastened 
from his Employments abroad unto the relief of his Distressed Family ;§ 
and first bidding Seven \\ of his Eight Children (which were from T^vo to 
Seventeen years of age) to get away as fast as they could unto some Gar- 
rison in the Town, he went in to inform his Wife of the horrible Distress 
come upon them. E'er she could get up, the fierce Indians were got so 
near, that utterly despairing to do her any Service, he ran out after his 
Children ; resolving that on the Horse which he had with him, he would 
Eide away with that which he should in this Extremity find his Afi'ections 
to pitch most upon, and leave the rest unto the Care of the Divine Provi- 
dence. He overtook his Children about Forty Eod from his Door ; but 
then such was the Agony of his Parental Affections, that he found it im- 
possible for him to distinguish any one of them from the rest ; wherefore 
he took up a Courageous Piesolution to Live & Die with them all.^ A party 

o We copy directly from the first edition of tlie Magnalia, published in London, 1702, — only five 
years subsequent to the exploits it describes. The notes are ours. 

t Her babe was born March 9th, 1696-7. 

t She was the daughter of George Corliss, and married William NcfT; her husband went after the 
army, and died at Pemaquid, in Febru:'.ry, 16S8. Neff lived on the farm now owned by William Swasey. 
It was given to Mrs. NefT, by her father. 

§ "Her Husband was at work in the field, and seeing the Enemy at a distance, ran home." — Xtals 
Hist. Keio Eng., London, 1747. 

II Their names were, Hannah, born August 23, 1678 ; Eliz.abeth, born May 7, 1680 ; Thomas, born Jan- 
nary 5, 1683 ; Nathaniel, born May 16, 168o ; Sarah, born July 4, 1688 ; Abigail, born October — , 1690 r 
Jonathan, born January 15, 1691-2 ; Timothy, born September 14, 1694. Besides these, they had had 
Mary, born Xoveniber 4, 1681; died Oi;tober 18, 1696; John, born February 2, 1686; died January 28, 
1690; Mehitable, (twin sister to Timothy,) died December 16, 1694; and Martha, (the babe killed,) born 
born March lo, 1696-7. They afterward had Lydia, born October 4, 1698. 

«il The following beautiful lines, entitled The Father's Choice, are from the pen of Mrs. 
Sarah J. Hale : — 

Now fly, as flics the rushing wind — 

Urge, urye, tliy lagging steed ! 
The savage yell is fierce behind, 

And life is on thy speed. 

And from those dear ones make thy choice ; 
The group he wildly eyed, 

When "father !" burst from every voice. 
And "child!" his heart replied. 

There's one that now can share his toil, 

And one he meant for fame, 
And one that wears her mother'? smile. 

And one that bears her name. 



of Indians came up wifh him ; and now though they Fired at him, and he 
Fired at them,- yet he Manfully kept at the Eeer of his Little Army of 
Unarmed Children, while they marched oflf with the Pace of a child of Five 
Years Old ; until, by the Singular Providence of God, he arrived safe with 
them all unto a Place of Safety about a Mile or two from his House.f 

And one will prattle on his Imee, 
. Or slumber on his breast; 
And one whose joys of infancy, 
Are still by smiles expressed. 

They feel no fear while ho is near ; 

He'll shield thorn from the foe ; 
But oh! his ear must thrill to hear 

Their shriekings, should he go. 

In vain his quivering lips would speak, 
No words his thoughts allow ; 

There's burning tears upon his cheek — ■ 
Death's marble on his brow. 

And twice he smote his clenched hand — 

Then bade his children fly ! 
And turned, and ee'n that savage band 

Cowered at his wrathful eye. 

Sot ft as the lightning winged with death, 
Flashed forth the quivering flame! 

Their liercest warrior bows beneath 
The father's deadly aim. 

Ambition goads the conqueror on. 
Hate points the murderer's brand — ■ 

But love and duty, these alone 
Can nerve the good man'o hand. 

Not the wild cries, that rend the skies, 

His heart of purpose move ; 
He saves his children, or he dies 

The sacrifice of love. 

The hero may resign the field, 

The coward murd'rer flee ; 
He cannot fear, he will not yield. 

That strikes, sweet love for thee. 

They come, they come — he heeds no cry. 

Save the soft child-like wail, 
•' father save !" " My children, fly !" 
Were mingled on the gale. 

And firmer still he drew his breath, 

And sterner flash'd his eye. 
As fast he hurls the leaden death. 

Still shouting, "children fly!" 

No shadow on his brow appeared, 
Nor tremor shook his frame, 

Save w'nen at intervals he he.ird 
Some trembler lisp his name. 

In vain the foe, those fiends unchained. 

Like famished tigers chafe. 
The sheltered roof is near'd, is gaiu'd 

All, all the dear one's safe ! 

'^ " The Indians pursued him all the while, but he kept in the rear of his little Flock and when any of 
them came within reach of his Gun, he presented it at them, which made them retreat." — Neal. 

" A small party of the Indians pursued Mr. Dustin, as he fled from the house, and soon overtook him 
and his flying children.- They did not, however, approach very near, for they saw his determination, and 
feared the vengeance of a father, — but skulked behind the trees and fences, and fired upon him and his 
little company. Mr. Dustin dismounted from his horse, placed himself in the rear of his children, and 
returned the fire of the enemy often and with good success. In this manner he retreated for more 
than a mile, alternately encouraging his terrified charge, and loading and firing his gun until he lodged 
them safely in a forsaken house. The Indians, finding that they could not conquer him, returned to their 
companions, expecting, no doubt, that they should there find ■"ictims, on which they might exercise their 
savage cruelty. 

It is truly astonishing that no one of that little company was killed or wountled. When we reflect upon 
the skill of the Indians as marksmen, upon their great superiority of strength, and the advantage they 
possessed in skulking behind every fence and tree, it cannot but be confessed that the arm of the Almighty 
■was outstretched for their preservation. Not a ball from the enemy took effect ; but, so surely, s.ays tradi- 
tion, as JNIr. Dustin raised his gun to his eye, so surely some one of the enemy would welter in his blood." 
— Mir id:. 

"We feel confident that Neal is right, and that Duston did not fire his gun. Had he done so, his pur- 
suers could and would have rushed upon him before he could possibly have re-loaded, and have made sure 
work of him. But by making a barracade of his horse, and reserving his fire — bringing his trusty gun 
quickly to bear upon the blood-thirsty, but cowardly red devils, rs any of them chanced to peep from 
behind a tree or wall — he took the most reasonable and effective method for keeping them at bay. 

t Precisely where, and what, this " place of safety " was, is a question of no small interest. Mirick 
says, that Duston ordered his children " to fly in an opposite direction from that in which the danger was 
approaching," and that he finally "lodged them safely in a forsaken house." The first appears reason- 
able, but not the last. .A " forsaken house" would have aftorded no safer shelter than his own roof, from 
which he had .already fled, Agaiu,_the tradition seems always to have been that the place reached was a 
garrison, (Vide Mather, Neal, and others,) and this appears to hannonize with the fact that the garri- 


But bis house must in the meantime have more dicmal Tragedies acted at 
it. The Nurse trying to escape with the New-born Infant, fell into the 
Hands of the Formidable Salvages ; and those furious Tawnies coming 
into the House, bid poor Dustan to rise immediately. Full of Astonish- 
ment she did so ; and sitting down in the Chimney with an heart full of 
most fearful Expectation, she saw the raging Dragons rifle all that they 
could carry away, and set the house on Fire. About Nineteen or Twenty 
Indians now led these away, with about half a Score other English Cap- 
tives ; but ere they had gone many Steps, they dash'd out the Brains of 
the Infant against a Tree'- ; and several of the other Captives, as they be- 
gan to Tire in their sad Journey, were soon sent unto their Long Home ; 
the Salvages would presently Bury their Hatchets in their Brains, and 
leave their Carcases on the Ground for Birds and Beasts to feed ~ upon. 
However. Dustan (with her Nurse) notwithstanding her present Condition,! 
Travelled that Night about a Dozen Miles, and then kept up with their 
New Masters in a long Travel of an Hundred and Fifty Miles, more or 
less, I within a few Days Ensuing, without any sensible Damage in their 
Health, from the Hardships of their Travel, their Lodging, their Diet, 
and their many other Difficulties. These Two Poor Women Vv'ere now in 
the hands of those whose Tender Mercies are Cruelties ; but the good God, 
who hath all Hearts in his own Hands, heard the sighs of these Prisoners, 
and gave them to find unexpected Favor from the blaster who laid claim 
unto them. That Indian Family consisted of Twelve Persons ; Two Stout 

sons were expressly designed for, — were always considered, and were in reality, — places of safety. As 
the Indians must have attacked from the north, or west, Duston would naturally flee toward the south, 
or east. — in which direction were all the garrisons then in the town. And, whether he lived on the 
easterly or westerly side of Little River at the time, the nearest gaiTisons were those of Onisephorns Marsh, 
(about half-way up "Pecker's Hill,") and Jonathan Emerson, (on the west comer of Winter and 
Harrison Streets). To one of these, therefore, he must have directed his flight. Among all the versions 
of the tradition which have reached us, we And but one which unequivocall;/ designates the place reached, 
and that one i>oints to the garrison of Mr. Marsh. This tradition comes to us through Moses Merrill, 
Esq., (of which more anon,) and we have no doubt of its truthfulness. 

'' Mirick says, "We have been informed by a gentleman, that he heard his grandmother who lived to 
an advanced age, often relate this fact, and that f he had frequently ate apples that grew on the saffle 
tree. We have also been informed by an aged female, that she had often heard her mother tell of e.ating 
of the fruit of the same tree." All the traditions which locate this tree at all, agree in locating it on the 
west side of Little River. 

t Mr."!. Dustin was barely allowed time to dress herself, and was even compelled to start on the long^ 
journey, at that inclement season, with but one shoe. 

J The home of the Indian who claimed Mrs. Duston and Mrs. Neff as his captives, was a small island 
at the junction of the Contoocook and Merrimack rivers, a few miles above Concord, N. H. To this place 
they were taken. The island has long since been known as Dustin's Island. The Northern Railroad 
now passes directly across it. We agree with the compiler of the excellent History of Concord, JV. H., 
(Dr. Bouton,) that a monument to Mrs. Duston should be erected on the above island; — that being the 
scene of her remarkable exploit. 


Men, Three "Women, and Seven Children ; and for the Shame of many an 
English Famihj, that has the Character of Prayerless upon it, 1 must now 
Publish what these poor Women assure me: 'Tis this, in Obedience to 
the instructions which the French have given them, they would have 
Prayers in their Family no less than Thrice every Day ; in the Morning, 
at Noon, and in the Evening ; nor would they ordinarily let their Chil- 
dren Eat or Sleep without first saying their Prayers. Indeed these Tdolators 
were like the rest of their whiter Brethren Persecutors, and would not en- 
dure that these poor Women should retire to their English Prayers, if they 
could hinder them.'-= Nevertheless, the poor Women had nothing but Fer- 
vant Prayers to make their Lives Comfortable or Tolerable ; and by being 
daily sent out upon Business, they had Opportunities together and asunder 
to do like another Hannah, in Pouring out their Souls before the Lord : 
Nor did their praying Friends among our selves forbear to Pour out Sup- 
lications for them. Now they could not observe it without some W^onder, 
that their Indian Master sometimes when he saw them dejected would say 
unto them, What need you Trouble your self'? If your God will have 
you delivered, you shall he so ! And it seems our God would have it so 
to be. This Indian Family was now Travelling with these Two Captive 
Women (and an English Youth taken from Worcester a year and a half 
before,) unto a Eendezvouz of Salvages, which they call a Toion, some- 
where beyond Penacook ;f and they still told these poor Women, that when 
they came to this Town they must be Stript, and Scourg'd and Eun the 
Gantlet through the whole Army of Indians. They said this was the Fash- 
ion when the Captives first came to a Town ; and they derided some of the 
Faint-hearted English, which they said, fainted and swoon'd away under 
the Torments of this Discipline.^ But on April 30, § while they were yet, 
it may be, about an Hundred and Fifty Miles from the Indian Town, a 
little before break of Day, when the whole Crew was in a Dead Sleep, 
(Reader, see if it prove not so !) one of these Women took up a Piesolution 

° Their master, some years before, had lived in the family of Rev. Mr. Rowlandson, of Lancaster, and 
he told Mrs. Duston that " when he prayed the English way he thought that it was good, but now he 
found the French way better." — SawM's Diary. 

t They had not yet started for the rendezvous, but the captives were informed that they would soon 
start. The place of destination was Canada, where the Indian e.xpected to obtain from the French a 
handsome sum for his captives. 

t The gauntlett consisted of two files of Indians, of both sexes, and of all ages, containing all that could 
be mustered in the village; and the unhappy prisoners were obliged to run between them, when they were 
scoffed at and beaten by each one as they passed, and were sometimes marks at wliich the younger 
Indians threw their hatthets. This cruel custom was often practised by many of the tribes, and not uufre- 
qucntly the poor prisoners sunk beneath it. 

§ This would make their stay at the island about five weeks, or a little more. 


to imitate the Action of Jael upon Sisera,'-' and being -where she bad not 
her own Life secured by any Law unto her, she thought she was not for- 
bidden by any Law to take away the Life of the Murderers, by whom her 
Child had been Butchered. She heartened the Nurse and the Youth to 
assist her in this Enterprise ; and all famishing themselves with Hatchets 
for the purpose, they struck such home Blows upon the Heads of their 
Sleeping Oppressors, that ere they could any of them struggle into any 
effectual resistance, at the Feet of those poor Prisoners, they how' d, they fell, 
they lay down ; at their Feet, they howed, they fell ; where they hawed, 
there they fell dozen Dead. Only one Squaw escaped sorely Woundedf 
from them in the Dark ; and one Boy, whom they reserved asleep, intend- 
ing to bring him away with them, suddenly wak'd and Scuttled away from 
this Desolation. I But cutting off the Scalps of these Ten Wretches, they 
came off,§ and received Fifty Founds from the General Assembly of the 

■- Jlrs. Diiston planned the mode of escape, and prevailed upon her nurse and the hoy to join her. The 
Indians kept no watch — for the hoy had lived with them so long tluy considered him as one of their 
ch'Ulren, and they did not expect that the women, unadvised and unaided, would attempt to escape, 
when success, at the best, appeared so desperate. 

On the day previous, Mrs. Duston wished to learn on what part of the body the Indians struck their 
victims when they would despatch them suddenly, and how they took off a scalp. With this view she 
instructed the boy to make inquiries of one of the men. Accordingly, at a con^'enient opportunity, he 
asked one of them where he would strike a man, if he would kill him instantlv, and how to take off" a, 
scalp. The man laid his finger on his temple — "strike 'em there," said he; and then instructed him how 
to scalp. (1) The boy then communicated his information to Jlrs Duston. 

(I) Sewell's Diary, and tradition. 

t She received seven hatchet wounds and was left for dead, hut jumped up and ran into the thicket ! — 
Vide deposition of Mrs. Bradley. 

X Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Samuel Lenuardson despatched the very Indian who told him 
where to strike, and how to take off a scalp ! The deed was accomplished before the day began to break. 

§ After performing the bloody work, Mrs. Duston gathered up what little provisions there were in the 
wigwam, — taking the gun of her dead master, and the tomahawk (1) with which she killed him — and, 
scuttling all the canoes, except one, she embarked in that, with Mrs. Neff, and Lenuardson, on the waters 
of the Merrimack, to seek their way to Haverhill. They had not proceeded far, however, when Mrs. 
Duston, perceived that they had neglected to take the scalps, and fearing lest her neighbors — should she 
ever arrive at her home — would not credit her story, she hastened back with her companions to the scene 
of death, took off the scalps of the slain, and wrapped them in a piece of linen cloth (2) that was taken 
from her house at the time of her capture. With these bloody witnesses of their feat, they hastened again 
on their downward course to Haverhill. 

" A long and weai-y journey before them, but they commenced it with cheerful hearts, each alter- 
nately rowing and steering their little hark. Though they had escaped from the clutches of their unfeel- 
ing master, still they were surrounded with dangers. They were thinly clad — the sky was still inclement 
— and they were liable to be recaptured by strolling bands of Indians, or by those who would undoubtedly 
pursue them so soon as the squaw and the boy had reported their departure, and the terrible vengeance 
they had taken ; and were they again made prisoners, they well knew that a speedy death would follow. 

(1) This was some years after lost in the woods, near Mr. Duston's. 

(2) This she afterward divided among her daughters, and a part of it is still preserved by some of their 


Province, as a Eecompence of their Action ; besides wliich, they received 
many Presents of Cuiujratidation from their more private friends ; but none 
gave 'em a greater Taste of Bounty than Colonel Nicholson, the Gover- 
nour of Maryland, who hearing of their Action, sent 'em a very generous 
token of his Favour." 

After recovering from the fatigues of the journey, Mrs. Duston and her 
two companions, accompanied by Mr. Duston, started for Boston, where 
they arrived on the 21st of April. They carried with them the gun-' and 
tomahawk, and their ten scalps — witnesses that would not lie. Soon 
after their arrival, Duston presented the following petition to the General 
Assembly, then in session : — 

'• To the Eight Honorable the Lieut Governor & the Great & General 
assembly of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay now convened in 

The Humble Petition of Thomas Durstan of Haverhill Sheweth 

That the wife of ye petitioner (with one Mary Ncff) hath in her 
Late captivity among the Barbarous Indians, been disposed & assisted by 
heaven to do an extraordinary action, in the just slaughter of so many of 

the Barbarians, as would by the law of the Province which a few 

months ago, have entitled the actors unto considerable recompense from the 

That tho the of that good Law no claims to any such con- 
sideration from the publick, yet your petitioner humbly that the 

merit of the action still remains the same ; & it seems a matter of univer- 
sal! desire thro the whole Province that it should not pass unrecompensed. 

And that your petioner having lost his estate in that calamity wherein 
his wife was carried into her captivity render him the fitter object for what 

This array of danger, however, did not appall them, for home was their beacon light, and the thoughts of 
their fire-sides, nerved their hearts. They continued to drop silently down the river, keeping a good look- 
out for strolling Indians; and in the night two of them only slept, while the third managed the boat. In 
this manner they pursued their journey, until they arrived safely, with their trophies, at their homes, 
totally unexpected by their mourning frieods, who supposed they had been butchered by their ruthless 
conquerors. It must truly have been an afiecting meeting for Mrs. Duston, who supposed that all she 
loved — all she held dear on earth — were laid in the silent tomb." — Mirick. 

° This gun continued in possession of the male line to the year 1859, when it was presented to the 
Dustin Monument Association of this town, by Mrs. Lucia II. Duslin, widow of Thomas Dustin, of 
Hennikcr, N. H. At a meeting of the Directors of the Association, held July 9th, 1859, it was 

" Resolved, That the Directors of the Dustin Monument Association accept with a lively sensibility the 
donation of the musket, as an interesting memorial of the perils and valor of the pioneer settlers of Haverhill. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Association be presented to Mrs. Lucia H. Dustin, of Henniker, N. H., 
for the gift of this valued family relic. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Association be presented to Mr. George W. Chase for his disinte- 
rested efforts to procure the musket for the Association. 

Resolved, That the Secretary be directed to transmit copies of these votes to Mrs. Dustin, and to Mr. 


consideration the pulblic Bounty stall judge proper for what hath been 
herein done, of some consequence, not only unto the persons more imme- 
diately delivered, but also unto the Generall Interest 

Wherefore humbly Eequesting a favorable Kegard on this occasion 
Your Petitioner shall pray &c 

Thomus Du(r)stun." 

The petition of Duston was read in the House of Eepresentatives, June 
8th, when it was " voted that the above named Thomas Durstan in behalf 
of his wife shall be allowed & paid out of the publick Treasury Twenty 
five pounds ; & Mary Nefi" the sum of Twelve pounds Ten Shillings, and 
the young man (named Samuel Lenerson) concerned in the same action 
the like sum of Twelve pounds Ten Shillings." 

Hannah Duston was the daughter of Michael and Hannah (AYebster) 
Emerson, and the eldest of fifteen children. She was born December 23, 
1657, and was married to Thomas Duston December 3d, 1677, by whom 
bhe had thirteen children.'"' The time of her death, and also that of her 
husband, is uncertain. There is a tradition, entitled to credit, that Mrs. 
Duston survived her husband some years, and after his death went to re- 
side with her son, Jonathan, who lived on the south west part of the 
original Thomas Duston farm. This tradition is repeated to us by Moses 
Merrill, Esq., now above eighty years of age, and a man of unquestioned 
veracity, who received it, when quite a lad, from the lips of the mother of 
Joseph Ayer, then about ninetyyears of age. Mrs. Ayer must have been 
born about the year 1700. She spoke of the /oc^, (not tradition) that 
Mrs. Duston resided with her son, after her husband's death, and was 
buried from that son's house. His house stood about twenty feet north- 
west of the present foundation of the " Dustin Monument." Thomas 
Duston was living in March, 1729, and also his son, Thomas, Jr.f Mrs. 
Ayer must have been about thirty years of age when Duston himself died, 
and was certainly old enough to remember distinctly the circumstances 
she related to our informant. J 

The favorite saying of an esteemed friend, — that " the true heroes are 
not always those who receive the most applause," — seems to us to be 
especially applicable to the case of Thomas and Hannah Duston. In 
every version of the story which has met our eye, or ear, Thomas Duston 

'' For their names, see note to a preceeding page. 

t Vide Proprietor's Records. Thomas, Sen., was moderator of most of their meetings from 1715, to 
January, 1721-2. 

\ Mrs. Ayer was the wife of Peter Ayer. Her maiden name was Lydia Perley. The date of her 
marriage is not given in the Town Records. Her first child was born October 26, 1721. The sixth, 
Joseph, was born in 1737. 


Las l)een made to occupy a subordinate position to that of his wife. In- 
deed, in many cases, his name, and his heroic defence of his children, 
would seem to have been introduced merely to identify the wife and 
mother, and to add an accessory coloring to the picture of her exploit. 
But, when placed side by side with his, the exploit of his wife, extraordi- 
nary as it certainly was, seems to us as the light of the moon to the brilliant 
rays of the sun. 

Hannah Duston, to escape from a cruel captivity, — not from death, not 
from violation even,--' — and to revenge the death of her child ; ^vilh two 
strong arms to assist her, courageously planned the destruction, and boldly 
attacked, twelve sleeping savages, seve^i of whom loere children, and hut 
two of tohom ice7'c men. It was not with her a question of life and death, 
but of liberty, and revenge. 

Thomas Duston, with the question of life or death for himself, and a 
cruel captivity for his children, distinctly before him, heroically staked 
his life for his children ! It was a "father's love " that nerved his arm, 
and not revenge. 

While, therefore, we would not, wittingly, detract one jot or tittle from 
the full credit due the mother, for her extraordinary feat, we claim for the 
pure and lofty heroism of the father, a larger share of the world's ap- 
plause than has as yet been awarded him. 

Dr. Dwight, in speaking of Thomas Duston, makes use of the following 
truthful language : — 

" A finer succession of scenes for the pencil was hardly ever presented 
to the eye, than is furnished by the efforts of this gallant man, with their 
interesting appendages. The artist must be destitute indeed of talents 
who could not engross every heart, as well as every eye, by exhibitions of 
this husband and father, flying to rescue his wife, her infant, and her 
nui'se, from the approaching horde of savages ; attempting on his horse to 
select from his flying family the child, which he was least able to spare, 
and unable to make the selection ; facing, in their rear, the horde of hell- 
hounds ; alternately, and sternly, retreating behind his inestimable charge, 
and fropting the enemv again ; receiving and returning their fire ; and 
presenting himself, equally, as a barrier against murderers, and a shelter 
to the flight of innocence and anguish. In the background of some or 
other of these pictures might be exhibited, with powerful impression, the 
kindled dwelling ; the sickly mother ; the terrified nurse, with the new 

° The Indians seldom killed, and ne.vtr violated their female prisoners, when once captured. They were 
either sold to the French, or kept for ransom. 



born infant in her arms ; and the furious natives, surrounding them, driv- 
ing them forward, and displaying the trophies of savage victory, and the 
insolence of savage triumph." 

We regret that we are unable to trace more fully the history of this 
heroic man." We cannot even say from whence he came. The name first 
appears in our town records among those who built cottages between the 
years 1669, and 1675; next we find it in a deed from Thomas Dus- 
ton to Peter Green, in 1675-6 ; then among the soldiers in King Phillip's 
War, (August, 1676) ; then in the list of cottages built between January, 
1675, and February, 1677; then the marriage of Thomas Duston and 
Hannah Emerson, in December, 1677 ; and then we find, among the names 
of those who built cottages between February, 1677, and January, 1679, 
that of " Thomas Duston 2d." The name is first found in the record of 
our town meetings, under date of June 13, 1682. 

We think it probable that Duston came from the vicinity of Dover, N.H., 
as we find the name .of " Thomas Diirston" among the signers of a letter 
to the governor of Massachusetts, dated Northam, (Dover) March 4, 1640. 
'I hey subscribe themselves, — "We, the inhabitants of Northam." We 
also find the name " Tho Durston'" among those admitted freemen at 
Kittery, in November, 1652. It is possible, but hardly probable, that the 
latter was the Thomas Duston of this town. If so, he must have been at 
least forty-six years of age at his marriage, — (after which he had a family 
of thirteen children, — the last born when the father was at least sixty- 
eight years of age,) — and at least one hundred years of age at his death. 
All this is possible, but, taken together, hardly probable. It is certain, 
however, that the Thomas Duston of Northam, and the Thomas Duston of 
1697, could not have been one and the same person. 

A comparison of dates and incidents in the meagre record before us, we 
think favor the supposition that the Thomas Duston of 1675, and the 
Thomas Duston 2d, of 1677, were father and son. The former may have 
been the Thomas Duston of 1640, and who removed to Haverhill between 
1669 and 1675, with his sou, and either died or removed from the town 
subsequent to 1677.f 

'" The following is from Miridc : — " Thomas Dustin was a man of considerable ingenuiiy, and tradition 
says that he had a "vast deal of mother wit;" that he possessed unshaken courage and the purest and 
loftiest feelings of affection, cannot be doubted. It is said that he made his own almanacks, and further- 
more, that he always made them on raini/ days. How true this is, we will not attempt to say. He had 
a grandson, Joshua, who was said to have been his counterpart. He once took it into his head to weave 
a bcd-quilt, and succeeded in making an excellent one, consisting of as many colors as Joseph's coat. 
This curious relic is now preserved by his descendants." 

t Since writing the above, we have examined the recently published Geneological Dictionary of the 
early Settlers of New England, by James Savage, Jioston, 1860, where we find the following: 

" Duitin, or Duston, Josiah, of Reading 1G47, had Josiah, born May 14, IG.'iC, and perhaps others, and 


As there is a wide difference of opinion as to the location of Thomas 
Duston's house, at the time his wife was taken by the Indians, it will 
doubtless be expected that reference, at least, will be made to the matter in 
these pages. 

In March, 167"), Thomas Duston, of Haverhill, "in consideration upon 
exchange of land," deeded to Peter Green, forty-five acres of upland, more 
or less, " with the house, orchard, and purtenances." The land was 
bounded on the east corner by a white oak, "and so bounded on hack" 
meadow highway." The northwest corner was bounded by " Spicket 
path."f This laud was on the west side of Little River, but the descrip- 
tion will not apply to any part of the " Thomas Duston farm," upon which 
the monument to Hannah Duston is now in course of erection. 

In August, 1697, (five months after ]\rrs. Duston's capture) William 
Starlin, of Haverhill, deeded to Thomas Duston, in consideration of one 
hundred pounds, "my Ten acres of land whc I purchased of ye said 
Town," — lying at a place called ye fishing Eiver neer ye house of Mat- 
thew Herrimau, the bounds thereof as it is entered in ye Townes booke of 
record, with all ye houses, housing, mills, Damms, streams of water fences 
oarchards Trees wood timber and all other rights," &c. ; — also, "my 
other Ten acres of Land adjoining to ye former which I had by grant from 
said Towne on condition that I and my heirs did build a Corne Mill which 
might be for ye use of sd Towne. "J (Starlin deeded it to Duston on the 
same condition.) § This land was on the east side of Little Eiver, and a 
part of the "Duston Farm," near the northerly end of Primrose Street. 
It was the earliest deed to Duston of laud on that side of the river. This, 
in our opinion, makes it certain that Duston did not reside on the east 
side of Little Eiver when his wife was captured ; and, as the deed is dated 
less than two months subsequent to the vote of the General Court, gi-ant- 
ing him fifty pounds for the scalps taken by his wife, it almost confirms 
the old and generally received tradition, that the above place was bought 
with the scalp money. 

In the town records, under date of March 4, 1701—2, mention is made 
of " the highway that leads up to Tho Duston's Mill." This is strong 

died January 16, 1672. Thomas, of Dover 1640, perhaps removed to Kittery before 1652. Thomas, of 
Haverhill, perhaps son of the preceding, married Hannah Emerson, December 3, 1677." 

* Hawk. t Essex Reg. Deeds, book 20, p. 2. 

X Essex Reg. Deeds, book 13, p. 43. 

§ February 24, 1684, the town granted Wm. Starlin two ten acre lots. One lot was " at the Fishing 
River, near the saw mill path." (The lot was bounded on one side by the river) ; the other adjoined the 
above, and was granted " For encouragement of Wm. Starlin to set up a Corn Mill at Fishing River, near 
to Robert Emerson's."— Town Records, Vol. \, p.m. 


presumptive evidence that Duston at that time resided at Fishing Eiver^ 
AYe have no doubt that he removed there soon after he purchased the place. 
But that he actually did, subsequently, reside there, is, we think, made 
clear by the following : — 

In June, 1717, Thomas Dustin deeded to his son Nathaniel, ^ " in 
consideration of yt Love I bear to My Son Nathaniel Durston of ye town 
of Haverhill, =••' =••' one piece or Tract of Upland and meadow 

land lyinge and being in ye township of Haverhill aforesd, containing 
twenty acres more or less, being ye one half of my Living I formerly lived 
on, on ye West Side of ye Saw Mill River, and ye easterly part thereof."'-' 

In March, 1723— i, Thomas Dustin deeded to his son, Timothy Dustin, 
" in consideration of parental love and affection, =•' '-- * the full 

possession to be given after my decease, =■■' =■' '-■ =•••= my dwelling or 
mansion house Barn and Corn Mill now standing on the Fishing Eiver ; " 
also, " one moiety or half part of my homestead or house lott, containing 
twelve acres, part of which land I purchased of "NYm Starliug."f 

On the Sth of September, ISGO, the writer of these pages, in company 
with Moses Merrill, Esq., — ■ than whom no one now living has had more 
frequent and favorable opportunities for examining and locating 'ancient 
deeds of land in the north and west parts of the town, — visited the place 
designated by Mr. Merrill as that upon which Thomas Duston lived at the 
time his v/ife was taken, and his house burned, by the savages, in 1697. 
The southerly line of the original farm bounds upon the cross road, on the 
northerly side of which the proposed " Dustin Monument " is now being 
erected, and the new school-house is located, and runs about northeast and 
southwest, from a point a few rods southwest of the monument site, to the 
Little Eiver. The northerly line runs parallel with the above, thus giv- 
ing the farm the form of a parallellogram, with about one third .of it on 
the westerly side of Jew Street. 

Having arrived at the spot, Mr. Merrill made, in substance, the follow- 
ing statement : — "This is the original Thomas Duston farm, as I always 
understood it. It was laid out for ' eighty acres, more or less,' but con- 
tains considerable more than that. (We walked about one hundred and 
sixty feet easterly from the road.) Here is the well belonging to the new 
house which Duston was building at the time the attack was made by the 
Indians. (We continued our walk about one hundred and twenty feet 

'•^ In March, 1723—1, Thomas Duston deeded to his son, Jonathan Dnston, — "in consideration of parental 
love and natural affection" — " The Homestead or Lott whereon the said Jonathan now dwells" — •' fifteen 
acres, more or less," — "bounded at a great rock by the highway, which is a corner hound of land I gave 
to m>/ son A^athaniel." — " £sscx Reg. Deeds, book 51, jp. 206. 

t Essex Reg. Deeds, book 43, p. 107. 


further, in the same direction.) Here is the cellar of Duston's new brick 
house. (We continued our walk easterly, toward the lower land. About 
two hundred and fifty feet from the cellar, Mr. Merrill stopped, looked 
about, — evidently taking the bearing of the surrounding objects, — went 
a little distance east, returned to nearly the same spot, hesitated, — ob- 
served that it was many years since he had been on the ground, and it was 
now somewhat changed by cultivation, — and, at length, struck his stick 
upon the ground, apparently firmly decided.) The house from which 
Hannah Duston was taken stood just about here. "When I was young, I 
could see the cellar distinctly, though it was partly filled with stones. It 
must have been a small house, because the cellar was small. I have no 
doubt that this is the identical spot, because, when I was quite a lad, I 
heard old Mrs. Ayer (' Joseph Ayer's mother ' ) say that she knew this toas 
the place. She coupled the assertion with a curious remark, which I have 
never forgotten, and which served to fix the circumstance firmly in my 
mind. She was very aged at the time. I never heard any other place 
spoken of, until within a few years. (We noticed, distinctly, that Mr. 
Merrill stood just within the edge of a small place where the grass was 
apparently much drier than that all about it. Might not this have been 
caused by the thin layer of soil over the stones with which the old cellar 
was filled, and the consequent leaching of the moisture ? We walked a 
few rods beyond the edge of the low ground, and stopped at a well.) 
Here is the well. I have a distinct impression that, in my younger days, 
the house was spoken of as having been twenty rods, or such a matter, 
northwest from this well.-' (We returned to the road, upon the opposite 
side of which — and a little to the south — Mr. Merrill pointed out an old 
cellar.) Here is where Nathaniel Duston lived. The land was given him 
by his father. Jonathan lived over at the southAvesterly corner, beyond 
the new school-house. {Question. — How did it happen that the monument 
ground came to be regarded as the site of the original Duston house?) 
I don't know, unless the tradition that Mrs. Duston was buried from that 
house, became confounded with the other traditions. Old Mrs. Ayer said 
that after Mr. Duston died, Mrs. Duston lived with her sou, Jonathan, on 
that place, and was hiiried from his house J^ 

^ A pocket compass subsequently gave us the following bearings : — Mr. Charles Dustan's house in the 
North Parish, bears about ten degrees north of east from the well ; and the house of Mr. J. Whitaker 
about ten degrees west of south. From the well to the old cellar is one hundred and sixty-four feet, in a 
■west-north-west direction. From the latter to the new cellar is sevenfy-one paces. From the north-east 
corner of the later, the North Church bears almost exactly south-east. The well of the new house is about 
one hundred and twenty feet from the new cellar, and about one hundred and sixty feet east from the 
road. The " Monument" site bears south-west from the last named well and cellar. The cellar of the 
house of Jonathan Duston, is about twenty feet north-west from the site of the "Dustin Monument." 


We have thus given the substance of such deeds, grants, and authorita- 
tive traditions, as bear directly upon the point in issue, and the reader is 
left free to decide the matter for himself. We will only add, that we 
commenced the investigation unbiassed in favor of either of the locations 
contended for, but rise from it fully convinced that the one designated by 
Mr. Merrill is the true one."' 

But to return from this long digression, to our narrative. After the 
attack on Duston's house, the Indians dispersed themselves in small par- 
ties, and attacked the houses in the vicinity. Isine houses were plundered 
and reduced to ashes on that eventful day, and in every case their owners 
were slain while defending them. Twenty -seven persons were slaughtered, 
(fifteen of them children) and thirteen captured, f The following is a list 
of the killed : — John Keezar, his father, and son, Grcorge ; John Kimball 
and his mother, Hannah ; Sarah Eastman ; Thomas Eaton ; Thomas Emer- 
son, his wife, Elizabeth, and two children, Timothy and Sarah ; Daniel 
Bradley, his wife, Hannah, and two children, Mary and Hannah ; Martha 
Dow, daughter of Stephen Dow ; Joseph, Martha, and Sarah Bradley, 
children of Joseph Bradley ; Thomas and Mehitable Kingsbury ; Thomas 
Wood and his daughter, Susannah ; John Woodman and his daughter, 
Susannah ; Zechariah White ; and Martha, the infant daughter of Mr. 

Having fully glutted their thirst for blood, and fearing a general alarm 
of the town, the savages, in small parties, as was their custom, commenced 
a hasty retreat. The rumor of this attack soon reached the village, and 
an armed party was collected and started in pursuit, but without success. 

Mirick adds the following, to his account of this attack: — " One of 
their number stole the old or first town book, and with a few others re- 
treated up the river. In the westerly part of the toTf^n, now Methuen, 
they came upon a yoke of oxen, and with that hellish barbarity which is 
their principal characteristic in war, cut out their tongues, struck up a 
fire and broiled them. Had they despatched the oxen, after their tongues 
were out, it would have been a deed of mercy ; but instead of doing that, 
they left them in that dreadful situation. After their repast was over, 

* The distance from that spot to the site of the old garrison house on Pecker's Hill," in an air line, 
is a fraction over one mile. From the monument'site, to the same place, is a little less than a mile; the 
difference being about fifty rods. So far, then, as the distance is concerned, either place will agree with 
the tradition. 

t From a petition to the Governor and Council, under date of April 177 1701, we learn that the foUow- 
ins; Haverhill captives were still missing: — Daniel Bradley, aged seven ; Abigail Kimball, aged eight; and 
Phillip Cod, aged six ; — all taken March 15, 1697 : Jonathan Haines, aged twelve ; and Joseph Haines, 
aged seven ; — taken August 15, 1696 : and Abraham Whittiker, aged eight or nine, taken in August, 1091. 


they continued their retreat, but cither designedly or intentionally, left the 
town-book. It was soon found, but so damaged with water, that many of 
the records were perfectly illegible." 

We feel confident that Mirick is in error in both these particulars — for 
the following reasons : — Nathaniel Saltonstall, who was then Town Clerk, 
and had held the office constantly since 1669, lived at the place, east of 
the village, so long in possession of his family, and we can hardly see how 
the savages, who did not venture within about two miles of his house, 
could have obtained possession of the town-book. Perhaps, however, the 
book was at that time in the possession of the family of John Carleton, 
the former Clerk, who lived on the place west of the village, now owned 
and occupied by his descendant and namesake. But even in that case, or, 
indeed, in any case, we can hardly credit the story of an Indian making a 
prize of an old record book, when there were so many other things within 
his grasp, far more attractive and valuable to savage eyes. 

But in regard to the second particular, we have no doubt that Mirick is 
mistaken. We think that he has misplaced the incidents belonging to a 
subsequent outrage, which happened in the same vicinity. We refer to 
the massacre of Jonathan Haynes and Samuel Ladd, which took place near 
World's End Pond, in the February following. Each of these men had a 
yoke of oxen, which the Indians killed, and then " cut out their tongues, 
and the best pieces," to carry along with them.'"' This party camped over 
night in " Mill Meadow," about one mile and a half north-east of the 
above pond. Considering the great difficulty, not to say impossibility, of 
cutting out the tongue of a living ox, under such circumstances, and the 
striking similarity of the two traditions in other respects, we have no hes- 
itation in expressing the opinion that the savages were not guilty of the 
charge thus alledged against them. 

From the following, which passed the Assembly March 22d, 1697, it 
appears that at the time an opinion prevailed that Col. Saltonstall was cen- 
surable for negligence in this matter. But as nothing further appears to 
have been done about it, we are bound to believe that the complaint origi- 
nated from the anguish of bereavement, rather than from any fault of the 

" Whereas it is reported that Col Saltingstall hath been very negligent 
of his duty as Col : & that the late damage at Haverhill wherin about 40 
of his majesties subjects were killed & captivated by the Heathin enemie 
besides six houses burnt & much spoile, & yt the said Coll did not (as he 

° Traditiou, as repeated to us by the venerable Jlr. Isaiah How, who lives uear the place of the 


ought) when he had notice of the enemies approach take care to draw them 
into GrSrrison ; nor encourage the pursuit of them when persons offered ; 
that his Honor will be pleased to make inquiry into said affair & see that 
there may be due annimadversons ; which may be a proper means to pre- 
vent the like miscariages."-' 

It was a terrible blow for the town. Some of its most useful citizens, 
and promising youth, were among the slain ; and well knowing that they 
were daily and hourly liable to similar attacks, it needs no stretch of im- 
agination to declare that fear seized the hearts of the inhabitants. 

The most vigorous measures were speedily taken to prevent, if possible, 
another similar bloody massacre : guards were stationed in many of the 
houses, and the brick house of Thomas Duston, that had been partly fin- 
ished the year previous, but had not been occupied, was ordered to be 
garrisoned. The following is a copy of the order to Mr. Duston, when 
appointed to command it : f 

" To Thomas Dustin, upon the settlement of garrisons. April 5 1696-7. 
You being appointed master of the garrison at your house, you are hereby, 
in his Maj's [Majesty's] name, required to see that a good watch is kept 
at your garrison both by night and by day, by those persons hereafter 
named who are to be under your command and inspection in building or 
repairing your garrison ; and if any person refuse or neglect their duty, 
you are accordingly required to make return of the same, under your hand, 
to the Committee of militia in Haverhill. The persons appointed are as 
followeth: — Josiah Heath, sen., Josiah Heath, jun., Joseph Bradley, John 
Heath, Joseph Kingsbury, and Thomas Kingsbury. 

By order of the Committee of militia. 

Samuel Ayer, Capt. 

Mr. Duston was, for the times, largely engaged in brick-making. The 
business, however, was attended with no little danger, on account of the 
Indians, who were almost continually lurking in the vicinity, watching an 
opportunity for a successful attack. The clay-pits were only a short dis- 
tance from the garrison, but the enemy were so bold that a file of soldiers 
constantly guarded those who brought the clay from the pits to the yard 
near the house, where it was made into bricks. 

There is a good story told of one Joseph Whittaker, one of the guard 
stationed at this garrison while commanded by Mr. Dustin, and which will 
doubtless be looked for in this place : — 

Joseph was a young, unmarried man, full of "marcury," as the story 
goes, who became deeply entangled in the webs unconsciously wound 

" state Archives. t Mrs. Duston had not yet returned from her captivity. 


around liis susceptible heart, by one Mary "Wliittalcer, who was then living 
in the garrison. Joseph struggled long and manfully to escape from the 
silken meshes, but in vain. At last, summoning all his courage to his 
assistance, he improved a favorable opportunity to make a declaration of 
his passion. But, ah ! most unfortunate Joseph, Mary did not listen 
with favor to his story. He pleaded, he entreated, he implored her to take 
pity on his forlorn condition, but all to no purpose. Mary Whittaker em- 
phatically declared that she did not reciprocate the passion of the aforesaid 
Joseph Whittaker — not she. Joseph arose : his Whittaker blood was up ; 
and he was not to be turned off in that manner — and by a Whittaker, too — 
not he. He told Mary that unless she accepted his offer, he would jump 
into the well, and thus put an end to the life of the unhappy Joseph Whit- 
taker. But Mary was not to be so easily won, and, " with one long, 
lingering look behind," Joseph immediately left the garrison, went straight 
to the well, seized a large log near by, and — threw it into the dark, deep 
waters ! Mary heard the plunge, and her heart relented. She suddenly 
remembered how fondly she loved him, and, with her hair streaming in the 
dark night-wind, she rushed to the well, and, with bleeding, agonizing 
heart, cried out — "Oh, Joseph! Joseph! if you are in the land of the 
living, I will have you." Joseph immediately emerged from his hiding 
place, and threw himself into her arms, exclaiming — " Mary, I will take 
you at your word." 

Although the two Whittakers were soon afterward made one, we do not 
learn that the number of Whittakers was thereby permanently diminished. 

Xo further attack was made on the inhabitants of this town the same 
year, but other places suffered severely, '■' and the whole frontier was kept 
in a state of continual fear, anxiety, and watchfulness. 

The next year, the Indians commenced their incursions unusually early. 
On the 22d of February, a party fell upon Andover, killed five of the in- 
habitants, and captured as many more. On their return, the same party 
killed Jonathan Haynes and Samuel Ladd, of this town, and captured a 
son of each.f 

Haynes and Ladd, who lived in the western part of the town, had 
started that morning, with their teams, consisting of a yoke of oxen and a 

° At Groton, Jlay 20, one person was killed and three wounded ; at Exeter, June 10th, one was killed, 
one wounded, and one captured ; the same day, two were taken captive at Amesbury ; July 29th, three 
were killed and one wounded, at Dover; August 7th, three were killed, and three captured at Saco; 
September 8th, twelve were killed, and twelve wounded, at Damariscotta; September 11th, twenty-one 
were killed, two wounded, and six captured at Lancaster ; and November loth, one person was killed, and 
one captured at Johnson's creek. 

t Mirick. 



horse, each, and accompanied witt their eldest sons, Joseph and Daniel, to 
bring home some of their hay, which had been cut and stacked the preced- 
ing summer, in their meadow, in the extreme western part of the town. 
While they were slowly returning, little dreaming of present danger, they 
suddenly found themselves between two files of Indians, who had concealed 
themselves in the bushes on each side of their path. There were seven of 
them on a side. With guns presented and cocked, and the fathers, seeing 
it was impossible to escape, begged for "quarter." To this, the Indians 
twice replied, " boon quarter ! boon quarter ! " (good quarter.) Young Ladd, 
who did not relish the idea of being quietly taken prisoner, told his father 
that he would mount the horse, and endeavor to escape. But the old man 
forbid him to make the attempt, telling him it was better to risk remaining 
a prisoner. He cut his father's horse loose, however, and giving him the 
lash, he started off at full speed, and though repeatedly fired at by 
the Indians, succeeded in reaching home, and was the means of giving an 
immediate and general alarm." 

Two of the Indians then stepped behind the fathers, and dealt them a 
heavy blow upon the head. Mr. Haynes, who was quite aged, instantly 
fell, but Ladd did not. Another of the savages then stepped before the 
latter, and raised his hatchet as if to strike. Ladd closed his eyes, ex- 
pecting the blow would fall — but it came not — and when he again opened 
them, he saw the Indian laughing and mocking at his fears. Another im- 
mediately stepped behind him and felled him at a blow. 

" The Indians, on being asked why they killed the old men, said that 
they killed Haynes because he was ' so old he no go with us ; ' — meaning 
that he was too aged and infirm to travel ; and that they killed Ladd, who 
was a fierce, stern looking man, because ^he so sour.' They then started 
for Penacook, where they arrived, with the two boys. Young Ladd soon 
grew weary of his situation, and one night after his Indian master and 
family had fell asleep, he attempted to escape. He had proceeded but a 
short distance, when he thought that he should want a hatchet to fell trees 
t ) assist him in crossing the streams. He accordingly returned, entered a 
wigwam near his master's, where an old squaw lay sick, and took a hatchet. 
The squaw watched his movements, and probably thinking that he intended 
to kill her, vociferated with all her strength. This awakened the Indians 
in the wigwam, who instantly arose, re-captured him, and delivered him 
again to his master, who bound his hands, laid him upon his ba<;k, fastened 

o One version of tlie tradition is, that the horse rushed against the door of his master's house, hursting 
it open, and fell dead upon the threshold, upon seeing which, Mrs. Ladd exclaimed, in agony, "Oh! the 
Indians have killed Ladd." 


one of his feet to a tree, and in that manner kept him fourteen nightSv 
'They then gashed his face with their knives, filled the wounds with pow- 
der, and kept him on his back until it was so indented in the flesh, that it 
was impossible to extract it. He carried the scars to his grave, and is 
now fretpently spoken of by his descendants as the ' marked man.' Some 
years after, he found means to return, and his scarred and powdered counte- 
nance produced many witticisms at his expense. He was one day walking 
the streets of Boston, and a parrot observing his ' marked ' features, vocif- 
erated, ' a rogue ! a rogue ! ' Haynes remained a prisoner with the Indians 
some years, and was at last redeemed by his relatives, "'■•= 

When Haynes was about leaving the Indians, his master, in token of 
bis good will and esteem, presented him his best cane. This cane is now 
in the possession of Guy C. Haynes, of East Boston, a descendant. The 
upper half is neatly ornamented with diamond-shaped figures, cut with a 

On the 5th of March, a party of about forty Indians again attacked 
Andover, killed five persons, burnt two houses, and two barns with the 
cattle in them. On their return, "they made spoil on Haverhill. "f 

This proved to be the last attack in the vicinity, during this war. Peace 
being declared between France and England, the governor of Canada in- 
formed the Indians that he could no longer support them in their war 
against the English, and advised them to bury the hatchet, and re- 
store their captives. This they concluded to do, and a treaty was at length 
made with them at Casco, 

During this war, (from June, 1689, to May, 1698,) five hundrcd and 
sixty-one persons were killed, eighty-one wounded, and one hundred and 
sixty-one captured by the Indians, in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
and Maine, including Schnectady. Soon after peace was declared, a gen- 
eral contribution was taken in the Province, for the relief of those who 
were prisoners with the French and Indians. 

On the return of peace, the settlers were again allowed to engage in the 
cultivation of their land, and in the increasing of their flocks and herds, 
without the constant fear of an attack from an unseen and barbarous foe. 

« Mirick. 

t Hutchinson. This " spoil," we presume, was the hurning of the house aad buildiags of Philip East- 
man, which were destroyed hy the Indians this year. 



Indian Troubles — 1700 to 1710. 

At the annual town meeting for 1699, nine applications were made foi* 
grants of land, all of ivhich were denied. The town had for some time 
been growing more sparing in its grants of land, and it now seems to have 
decided not to grant any morCsi except for "value received," either in 
money, or some other equally tangible and valuable equivalent. 

As the town increased in population and importance, its lands became 
the more valuable, and the number of applications for new grants increased 
in a corresponding ratio. As the township was originally purchased by a 
few individuals, their descendants, as the vmdivided lands become more 
and more valuable, must have frequently found themselves considering the 
question to whom do these ungranted lands belong ? The records of the year 
1700, for the first time, show that this was the case, and that the general 
feeling was strongly against new comers into town having any voice in the 
further disposition of the " common lands," It appears that some years 
previous, a committee had been chosen to consider the matter, but nothing 
had been done by them. At the annual meeting this year, the subject 
assumed considerable prominence, as will be seen from the following : — 

•' There being too much apparent disorder in the voting about disposal 
and improvement of Common land, those that have no interest in Common 
land putting in votes, and overrunning by violence and combination the 
certain Proprietors, to dispose and order their own : it is 

Ordered that Cornet Peter Ayer being deceased, who was one of the 
Committee men formerly appointed for the examination of the rights that 
any have in Common land in this town, and privilege to vote about the 
same; Thjit another man be now chosen to join with Nath: Saltonstall and 
John White who are yet alive of said Committee." 

Captain Samuel Ayer was chosen to fill the vacancy, and then " after 
long discourse," it was voted " That there shall not be any further proceed 
for Gift, Grant, Sale, or Exchange, or alteration of any land laying in 
Common, to, or with any person, till by Law or Town order, it be known 
who are the Proprietors that have liberty to vote about the disposal of 
land, which they are to make out to the said Committee men this day 
appointed to consider the same and make report thereon." 


The next vote was as follows : — " By reason of many alterations of the 
Proprietors unto lands lying in Common, either stinted or not already 
granted, which makes it uncertain who are the owners who have a right to 
vote and order the same which hath this day (upon some men's claiming a 
right which is not known) put a stop to the proprietors in the business 
lying before them ; the Town do hereby refer the examination of that 
matter unto the said Committee this day appointed thereunto." 

The next we find touching the matter, is the record of a meeting August 
26, 1700, designated as " a meeting of the Proprietors to ungranted and 
undivided lands to consider about encroachments &c. called by the Select- 
men's Warrant, At this meeting nothing was done, except to confirm the 
doings of a previous meeting, when certain things were done " by a full 
and unanimous, though mixed vote of inhabitants and proprietors." The 
object seems to have been to draw and preserve the line of distinction 
between those who were Proprietors of the ungranted lands in the town, and 
those who were merely inhabitants. In this view, the Toion from this 
time refused to act on any matters involving the proprietorship of these 
ungranted lands. Thus, in 1 702, in reply to a petition of Joseph Peasely 
for an exchange of land, the town refused to consider the matter, because 
the petition was " not directed to the proprietors of lands, but to the Town, 
many of whom have no power to vote in the disposal of lands." 

Previous to this time, the town had invariably voted upon each demand 
or bill against the town, separately — or, in other words, had been its own 
auditor — but this way of doing the business had now become too cumber- 
some, and, to save time and trouble, a committee was chosen " to audit the 
bills of claims, and so to settle the account on each bill, and return the 
sum total to the town." The amount reported, was nineteen pounds, 
seventeen shillings, two and a half pence, for which the selectmen were 
ordered to lay a rate upon the inhabitants. 

This year, a building was ordered to be erected for a watch-house, school- 
house, and for any other use to which it might be appropriated. It was 
built on what is now Main street, near the top of the hill, and faced the 

Trouble with the Indians already again threatened the frontier towns, 
and measures of defense forced themselves upon the inhabitants. From 
documents in the State Archives, we learn that in March and April of this 
year, (1700) Capt. Samuel Ayer had twenty soldiers under his command, 
who were in constant service during that time in this town. March IGth, 
twenty men were sent from Ipswich to Haverhill ; thirty to Wells; fifteen 
to York ; fifteen to Kittery, and ten to Amesbury. 


On the 3d of June, a grammar-scliool was ordered to be establislied im- 
mediately, and 3Ir. Eicliard Saltonstall was appointed to procure a suitable 
instructor. In July thirty pounds were raised to be appropriated for that 
purpose; and the selectmen were ordered to " write a letter to the scholar 
that Eichard Saltonstall had treated with, or to some other meet person, 
to invite him to come and be the school-master for this town of Haverhill." 

The school was not, however, established ; as we find that the next year, 
September 12th, a meeting was called to see about a school-master, when 

" The question being moved by some of the inhabitants whether this 
Town is obliged by the Law to be provided with a Grammar school-master — 
Yea or no : the Town answers in the negative and therefore do not proceed 
to do it, because they do not find they have the number of one hundred 
families or householders which the law mentions." 

At the annual election, in 1701, John "White was chosen Town Clerk, 
in place of Nathaniel Saltonstall, who had filled the office regularly, and 
acceptably, since 1668, a period of more than thirty years. The latter 
was now an old man, grown gray in the active and honorable servive of 
his country, and his town, and he sought, in the retirement of his own 
fire-side, that repose which should the better fit him for his approaching 
sunset of life." 

A special committee was chosen, at this time, " to seat all such strangers 
as are come to town since the last seating, or such as may come the present 
year to dwell here as settled inhabitants." It was further ordered that, 
" if any of the inhabitants did sit in any seat where he or she was not 
seated, should pay a fine of one shilling in money." 

It appears that Joseph Peasely had recently sufi'ered considerably by 
fire, for the town " voted to give him his rates" on that account. 

Early in the spring, the Indians again made their appearance, in small 
parties, traversing the woods in every direction. They soon became bold, 
and attacked the garrison of Jonathan Emerson ; but Avere repulsed with 
the loss of two killed, while the whites sustained no injury. One of the 
soldiers, after the war was over, meeting one of the Indians, spoke of 
the attack, when the following dialogue ensued : — 

" ' You had two of your number slain,' said the garrison man. 'How 
do you know that?' asked the Indian. 'We saw your biers,' was the 
reply. * Ugh, Ugh,' grunted the tawny fellow of the woods. 'And you 
put them in the great hole,' continued the garrison man. ' Ugh, Ugh ! 
no, we did not,' muttered the Indian, feeling that he was questioned too 
closely. ' What did you do with them ? ' asked the garrison man, laugh- 

» He died in 1707. 


ing in liis sleeve, as the saying is, confident that he bad the best end of 
the dispute. ' \Ye carried them to the deep hole above,' he replied, 
sharply ; and immediately wheeled about and marched for the woods."="= 

The " deep holes," referred to by the Indian, were situated in the low- 
lands, a short distance from the junction of Fishing and Little Eivers, 
and not far from the present brick -yards. One of them not many years 
since, was near fifteen feet in depth, and was called the great hole ; and 
the other was called the deep hole. Soon after the attack on the garrison, 
two Indian biers were found near them, which led to the supposition that 
two of the enemy were slain. 

The breaking out of a new war in Europe, was the occasion of this re- 
newal of Indian hostilities. The inhabitants of the town again found 
themselves exposed to all the dangers and horrors of a savage border war- 
fare, and were obliged to resort to former measures of defence and security. f 
In addition to the old garrisons, one was ordered to be kept in the north- 
easterly part of the town, in the house of James Sanders, who lived near 
the foot of the hill still known by his name, — "Sander's Hill." His 
house stood on or near the site of the present house of Eichard Stuart. | 

It was customary for the nearest neighbors to sleep in the garrisons at night, 
but one Thomas Whittier,§ a member of the Society of Friends, who lived near 
the garrison above mentioned, always refused to shelter- himself and family 
beneath its roof. Eelying upon the weapons of his faith, he left his own 
house unguarded, and unprotected with palisades, and carried with him no 
weapons of war. The Indians frequently visited him, and the family often 
heard them, in the stillness of the evening, whispering beneath the 
windowSyi and sometimes saw them peep in upon the little group of prac- 
tical "non-resistants." Friend" Whittier always treated them civilly 
and hospitably, and they ever retired without molesting him. To injure 
such a household, was too diabolical, even for a blood-thirsting savage. 

January 5, 1702, a meeting was called to see about laying a tax " for 
the defraying the Town charges in 1701." The following, which is given 
as the total indebtedness of the Town, is well worth a place in our pages : — 

" To Mr Benj Eolfe £01.10.00 

To Capt Ayre 09.15.00 

" Tradition. — Mirick. 

t The House of Representatives (1702) ordered snow-shoes to be provided for the frontier towns, on 
account of their exposure to Indian depredations in the winter. 

X John Sanders, the first of that name in this town, was from Weeks, in the Parish of Dainton, County 
of Wilts, England. He made his will in 1670. The above-named James, was, we believe, a son of the 
first John. 

§ The ancestor of our distinguished Poet. 


To Jolin White 06.14.00 

To the Schoolmaster 06.00.00 

To the Selectmen's salary 02.10.00 

To the Assessors of the Country Tax 01.04.00 

To making return of the choice of Representative 00.06.00 

To time and money spent to obtain a Schoolmaster 00.06.00 

To returning an account of the Country Tax 00.08.00 

To Jotham Hendrick 01.03.06 

• To Constable Bartlitt 00.03.00 

To Hanniel Clark 00.12.00 

To Constable Simmons 00.03.00 

To Capt. Simon Wainwright 00.02.00 

To the Committee for Micall Emerson's land 01.10.00 

The above sums the Town voted to pay, after deducting the following 
credits : — 

" Due to the Town from Ens. Saml Hutchins £00.09.09 

from Joseph Bond 00.08.06 

from Serjt Josiah Gage 00.07.03 

from Const. Saml Ayer, 00.08.06 

Leaving the Town's indebtedness £31.12.06, for which a rate, or tax, 
was voted to be made. This year, John Hutchins was chosen " Sealer of 
Leather."" Such an officer was first chosen in 1675, and from that time 
to 1702, Michael Emerson had been annually re-elected.f 

The minister, Mi'. Eolfe, applying to the town for a supply of wood, ten 
pounds was added to his salary for that purpose, . and he was also allowed 
" four public contributions."! 

The Selectmen being ordered to get a Schoolmaster, for this year, " with 
all the speed they possibly can," engaged a Mr. Tufts, and agreed to pay 
him thirty-four pounds for his services. The cause of this great hurry to 
get a schoolmaster, was the fact, which afterward appears, that the town 
had been again "presented" for being destitute of a school. Their post- 
haste compliance with the law did not, however, save them from a fine for 
previous neglect. § 

At the annual meeting in 1 703, Captain Eichard Saltonstall petitioned 
for liberty to run a fence " from the pound cross over the spot where the 

« John Hutchins was a son of Joseph, of this town, who was probably a son of John, of Newbury, as 
were also John and Samuel, of this town. 

t A Clerk of the Market was first chosen in 1698. Ensign Thomas Eatton was the first, and continued 
in the office until 1706. 

X Four public contributions were first granted him the year previous, and were annually voted him until 
his death, in 1708. 

g Court Records. 


old meeting-liouse formerly stood, to his fence," and to " feed the burying- 
place." or else lie wanted the town themselves to fence in the burying- 
place by itself. They voted to do the latter. From this it appears that 
the old meeting-house had already disappeared, though it was only about 
three years since it was abandoned for worship. Let us, then, fondly 
believe that it was not, after all, occupied as a horse shed ! 

Mr. Tufts' engagement as schoolmaster having expired, a meeting was 
held July 21, to see what should be done for the future* After much dis- 
cussion, the meeting adjourned to August 18th, when they met, and again 
adjourned to September 15th, without coming to any decision. At the 
meeting in September, " after much discourse about getting a school- 
master, the town, on consideration of their troubles with the Indians, 
resolved that nothing should be done about it, and the meeting was 

That the town had good excuse for declining to assume the expense of a 
school in their then exposed and straightened condition, is made evident 
by a subsequent order of the G-eneral Court (November 1705) exempting 
all towns of less than two hundred families from keeping a Grammar 
School for three years,— on account of their being impoverished by the 
Indian war. 

The Indians had been quite peaceable for a year or two, and the inhabi- 
tants pleased themselves with the hope that they would not again trouble 
them. They therefore relaxed their watchfulness, and neglected to guard 
their dwellings as strictly as in former years. But the French in Canada 
were again stirring up the savages to deeds of blood and cruelty, and 
plotting the ruin of the frontier settlements of New England. 

The first important attack in this war,"'^ was made on the 10th of August, 
when five hundred French and Indians ravaged the settlements from Casco 
to Wells, and killed and captured one hundred and thirty persons. The 
news of this incursion had hardly reached this town, when intelligence 
was received of an attack on Hampton, by a party of thirty Indians, in 
which five of the inhabitants were killed. It was this alarming intelli- 
gence, that led to the adjournment of the second meeting above alluded to, 
and the final decision of September 15th. 

The attack on Hampton proved to be the last one of that season, and the 
inhabitants were left to pass a few months in gloomy anxiety, and fearful 

During the winter, as the Indians had heretofore seldom made their 
appearance before the opening of spring, less care was taken to guard 

* Which is known as i'h&^rench and Indian War. 



against surjirise. This carelessness i^rovecl fatal, ere winter was over, as 
may be seen from the following account, which we copy from Mirick: — 

" On the 8th of February, about 3 or 4 o'clock in the afternoon,-' a 
party of six Indians attacked the garrison of Joseph Bradley, which was 
unhappily in an unguarded state — even the sentries had left their stations, 
and the gates were open. The Indians approached cautiously, and were 
rushing into the open gates, before they were discovered. Jonathan John- 
son, a sentinel, who was standing in the house, shot at and wounded the 
foremost, and Mrs. Bradley, who had a kettle of boiling soap over the fire, 
seized her ladle, and filling it with the steaming liquid, discharged it on 
. his tawny pate — a 50«/>-orific that almost instantly brought on a sleep, 
from which he has never since awoke, f The rest of the party immediately 
rushed forward, killed Johnson, J made prisoner of the intrepid woman, 
and of some others. Pike in his Journal says four.§ Three persons es- 
caped from the garrison. . The Indians, then fearing lest they should soon 
be attacked by a stronger party, commenced a hasty retreat, aiming for 
Canada, which was their place of resort when they had been so successful 
as to take a number of prisoners. 

Mrs. Bradley was in delicate circumstances, and in slender health ; still 
she received no kindness from her savage conquerors. No situation of 
woman would ever protect her from their demon-like cruelties. The 
weather was cold ; the wind blew keenly over the hills, and the ground 
was covered with a deep snow, — yet they obliged her to travel on foot, 
and carry a heavy burthen, too large even for the strength of man. In 
this manner they proceeded through the wild wilderness ; and Mrs. Brad- 
ley informed her family, after she returned, that for many days in succes- 
sion, she subsisted on nothing but bits of skin, ground-nuts, the bark of 
trees, wild onions, and lily roots. 

* Pike's Journal. t Penhalloir. X Town Records. 

5 We copy the following from Mr. Pike's Journal — it is all that be says of the affair. "Feb. 8. 
About 3 or 4 o'clock, afternoon, Joseph Bradley's house, at Haverhill, was taken by six Indians ; 13 per- 
sons killed and 5 carried away, whereof one returned. 3 more persons escaped out of the house, and 1 In- 
dian was slain in it by Jonathan Johnson." Mr. Pike is the only one that we can find, who says that 
thirteen persons were killed in this attack. Penhallow, in his history of the "Indian Wai-s." speaks of 
no other slain, than Jonathan Johnson and the Indian; and if there were thirteen killed, it appears 
rather singular that he did not mention it. Mr. Pike says there were only six Indians, and thirteen slain 
— the disparity of the two parties seem to invalidate his statement, for, unless they were all children, 
which is not probable, they must have been positive cowards, or been taken extremely unawares. Or, if 
they were women, it hardly seems probable to us, for women at that period, seem to possess, at times, as 
much cour.ige and fortitude as the men. Another reason we have for doubting the statement of Mr. 
Pike, is the silence of the Town-Records on the subject. The death of Mr. Johnson is there faithfully re- 
corded, thus: — "Jonathan Johnson [birth] killed by the Indians, Feb. 8, 1703-i." Why did they 
neglect to record the deaths of the others ? It appears to us that, if other persons were slain, their deaths 
would have been recorded as well as that of Mr. Johnson. — Mirick. _ 


While in this situation, with none but savages for her assistants and 
protectors, and in the midst of a thick forest, she gave birth to a child. 
The Indians then, as if they were not satisfied with persecuting the mother, 
extended their cruelties to the innocent and almost friendless babe. For 
the want of proper attention, it was sickly, and probably troublesome; 
and when it cried, these remorseless fiends showed their pity, by throwing 
embers into its mouth. •■' They told the mother that if she would permit 
them to baptize it in their manner, they would suifer it to live. Inwil- 
ling to deny their request, lest it should enrage their fierce and diabolical 
passions, and hoping that the little innocent would receive kindness at 
their hands, she complied with their request. They took it from her, and 
baptized it by gashing its forehead with their knives.f The feelings of 
the mother, when the chihi was returned to her with its smooth and white 
forehead gashed with .the knife, and its warm blood coursing down its 
cheeks, can be better imagined than described. 

Soon as Mrs. Bradley had regained sufiicient strength to travel, the In- 
dians again took up their march for Canada. But before they arrived at 
their place of rendezvous, she had occasion to go a little distance from the 
party, and when she returned, she beheld a sight shocking to a mother, 
and to every feeling of humanity. Her child, which was born in sorrow, 
and nursed in the lap of affliction, and on which she doted with maternal 
fondness, was piked upon a pole. J Its excrutiating agonies were over — 
it could no more feel the tortures of the merciless savages — and its mother 
could only weep over its memory. Soon after, they proceeded to Canada, 
where Mrs. Bi'adley was sold to the French for eighty livres. She informed 
her friends, after her return, that she was treated kindly by the family 
in which she lived. It was her custom, morning and evening, when she 
milked her master's cow, to take with her a crust of bread, soak it with 
milk, and eat it ; with this, and with the rations allowed her by her mas- 
ter, she eked out a comfortable subsistance.§ 

In March, 1705, her husband, hearing that she was in the possession of 
the French, started for Canada with the intention of redeeming her. He 
travelled on foot, accompanied only by a dog that drew a small sled, in 
which he carried a bag of snuff, as a present from the Governor of this 
Province to the Governor of Canada. || When he arrived, he immediately 
redeemed her,^ and set sail from Montreal for Boston, which they reached 
in safety ; and from thence travelled to Haverhill. 

'-■ Penhallow. t Tradition. I Rev. Abiel Abbot's MSS. § Tradition. 

II The only authority we have of the dog and sled, and bag of snuff, is tradition, which we heard related 
%'ery minutely by his descendants. — Mirick. 
*^ Penhallow, p. 10. 


Penhallow-' mentions ttis as her second captivity, and Hutchinson says 
the same ; but Penhallow is, without doubt, his authority. Diligent 
search has been made to learn the history of her first ; but, thus far it has 
been unsuccessful. Very accurate traditions of the captivities of the other 
members of the family, have been transmitted to their descendants, but 
they have never heard their fathers tell that this person was taken at any 
other time ; at least, they can give no account of such a fact. We ex- 
tract the following, from Eev. Abiel Abbot's MS., taken by him from 
Judith Whiting : — "Destitute of nurses and necessaries, the child was 
sickly, and apt to cry, and they would put hot embers in its mouth. Be- 
ing obliged to leave it a shoi-t time, on her return, she found it piked on a 
pole. =■•■= =■' '••• Having been brought home by her husband, she was 

taken a second time, but not before she had finished and wounded an In- 
dian, by pouring boiling soap into his mouth." From this, it appears that 
she was twice captivated ; but of the truth of the statement, in this par- 
ticular, we will not undertake to judge. It certainly does not agree with 
Penhallow's, and if we rely on one, we must throw up the other, at least, 
in part." 

Mrs. Bradley's deposition, which we give in another place, is conclusive 
evidence that the above was her second captivity. As we have it from 
one of her descendants, Mrs. Bradley was engaged in boiling soap, when 
she was startled by the appearance of Indians at her very door, one of 
whom exclaimed, exultingly, — " Now, Hannah, me got you." Instead, 
however, of quietly allowing herself to be captured a second time, Hannah 
saluted the savage with such vigorous applications of " soft soap," that he 
quickly gave up the ghost. After a desperate resistance, she was at last 
made a prisoner. Eevenge for the death of their comrade, was doubtless 
the principal cause of the subsequent tortures of the child by the savages. 
Their extreme barbarity, in this particular instance, can only be accounted 
for upon some such supposition. Their ingenuity was always exerted to 
the utmost in devising tortures for a brave warrior, when taken prisoner, 
and the case of Mrs. Bradley is but a similar instance of their revenge 
and cruelty. 

On the 29th of the same month in which the attack was made on the 
garrison of Mr. Bradley, Hertel de Eouville, with two hundred Trench, and 
one hundred and forty- two Indians, fell upon the town of Deerfield, Mass., 
killed forty-seven, and made prisoners of one hundred and twelve of its 

• Hist, of Indian Wars, p. 10. 


inliabitants. April 25tli, two persons were killed, and two captured, at 
Oyster Kiver ; and again in August several more were killed at the same 

It was indeed a time of trial to the inhabitants of the frontier.-' On the 
3d of August, Colonel Saltonstall thus writes to Colonel Thomas Noyes, of 
Newbury : — f 

" Sir, by his excellency's express direction I command you in her 
majesty's name forthwith to appoint and set forth one-half of your com- 
pany by name and have them ready, well fixt with arms & ammunition 
and ten day's provision to march at an hours warning. The command is 

On the 4th of August, Joseph Page, and Bartholomew Heath, of this 
town, were killed by the Indians, and a lad who was with them, narrowly 
escaped the same fate.| The particulars of this attack are now lost. 

On the 28th of September, Colonel Saltonstall again writes to Colonel 
Noyes : — 

" I desire and order that by tomorrow morning at farthest you press 
and post at your block houses in Newbury twelve able souldiers, three at 
each of your four (block) houses, to 9,bide there night and day, to watch." 

Happily, no further attacks were made that year ; but suc^Ji was, the 
distress and poverty occasioned by the Indian hostilities, that the town 
ordered its selectmen to petition the Assembly for an abatement of this 
year's taxes. 

During the next year, no attacks were made by the Indians, but the in- 
habitants had every reason to expect them, and were obliged to keep a 
constant watch and guard, day and night. In June, Governor Dudley 
ordered Colonel Saltonstall " to detach twenty able soldiers of the New- 
bury militia and have them rendezvous at Haverhill on July fifth." 

On the appearance of these " able soldiers " in this town. Colonel Sal- 
tonstall thus writes to Colonel Noyes, of Newbury : — § 

"Haverhill, July 17, 1705. 

I received your return of ye twenty men ye Grovernor commanded me 
to call for, and when ye persons (which I cant't call men) appeared, even 
a considerable number of them, to be but boys, or children, and not fit for 
service, blind in part, and deaf, and cross-handed, I stopt till I waited on 

c April 4tli, a general Fast was held throughout the New England colonies, on account of the war with 
France and Spain. 
t Coffin. 

t Pike's Joui-nal. Joseph Page was a son of Joseph ; and Bartholomew Heath was a son of John. 
§ Coffin. 


ye governor, ye twelfth instant and upon liberty to speak with him, I with 
ye major have taken yc best care we can to keep the men and children 
sent hither for ye present, till I may have opportunity to tell you the 
queen likes it not to be served in this manner. 

But in one special, Nicholas '■■= '•■' =■' ••^ by name, is blind, and deaf, and 
small, and not fit to be continued, and therefore to be short, I send Nicho- 
las =•■= '■' '■■' =••' " '■' " home to you, and do expect that you will send some able 
man in his place, if you have an able one in Newbury. 

The other diminutives are sent out to garrison at present, or else you 
had mett with them to return to you for ye like exchange. 

My heart, if it speaks, is full. I wait a suitable time, to tell you what 
I have to say on her majesty's behalf. To take hoyes for orriginally prest 
men, and they hired too, I know not ye regularity of it. I shall be glad to 
see you, and intend to do it at Haverhill or Newbury or a middle place, 
as you will desire, if I am able to attend, to see what is right and what is 
our duty for us to do. 

Your very humble servant, 

Nathaniel Saltonstall. 
, To lieutenant-colonel Thomas Noyes." 

No one, we think, can blame the Colonel for writing thus severely. To 
send hired hoys, in place of able soldier's, to defend a frontier town against 
merciless savages, was indeed cruel. No wonder his heart was full, when 
he contemplated the feeble resistance such " soldiers" would make, incase 
of an attack. The bloody record of 1708 fully reveals the sad result of 
depending upon " hired boys " for defence ! 

A fortnight later. Colonel Saltonstall again writes to Colonel Noyes : — 

"August 4th 1705. 

One Smith came this day with two of his sons in order to get a release 
for John Danford. I wonder how you concern yourself so much about this 
man, to get Danford home, and disregard your default and have not yet 
sent a good man for that pitiful insufficient sick man Nicholas " =■•' " '•■= " * '^ 
whom I sent off ye sixteenth of July last to you to send a better hand, & 
he to returne in two days time to me but he is not yet come, nor other for 
him. Pray consider what lyes at your doore and do not deale so unhand- 
somely with your patient friend and humble servant, N. Saltonstall. 

To lieutenant-colonel Thomas Noyes." 

Thank Heaven, no attack was made by the enemy that season. Had it 
been otherwise, Colonel Noyes would have had bitter cause to " consider " 
the previous wrong that lay at his door.='' 

'■' A company of " Centinels," under Captain Saltonstall, was also posted at Bradford block-honses,from 
April Cth, to September 7tli, of the same year, and probaWy still later. 


But little business was done by the town in tbis and the two succeeding 
years. The inhabitants were so closely occupied in guarding the lives of 
their families, that little time or inclination was left for anything else. 

In 1705, John Swan, and Jonathan Emerson, were granted the privilege 
of setting up a grist-mill, on Little Eiver. The location was, we judge, 
near where Mr. Eich recently erected a mill, — about midway between 
the mouth of the river, and the Winter Street Bridge, — and near where 
Ezekiel Hale formerly had a grist-mill. 

At the next annual meeting, John White was allowed to build a " full- 
ing-mill on Mill Brook, near his now dwelling house." The location was 
probably near where the plaster-mill now stands. • This was the first mill 
of that kind in town. 

The granting of new lands was still held in abeyance, as it was not yet 
known to whom they belonged. The town were evidently determined to 
move carefully in the matter, as may be seen from the following : — 

" Capt Saml Ayer moving to the proprietors of the land lying in Com- 
mon in Haverhill that before any vote or act pass for the disposing of the 
land or timber in Haverhill, it may be known who by law have right to 
vote in the affair : This petition is granted." 

" Many other petitions were read in the Town meeting, but because of 
the last vote, nothing was acted on them." 

At the same meeting, a motion was made that the Town Clerk have the 
keeping of the " Town's old book of gi-ants and orders so that copies might 
be given out, as out of other books in his hands," but being strongly ob- 
jected to, it was not put to vote.* 

A committee of five were chosen, at the same time, to "run lines and 
settle bounds between individuals and the common-lands," and " the mod- 
erator gave notice for a meeting of the proprietors of the Common or 
undivided lands in Haverhill for April 2d." 

April 2d, " at a meeting of the Commoners," the old committee chosen 
to examine the claims of persons to these lands, were dismissed, and a new 
one chosen. f This new committee were ordered "to do it as speedily as 
they can." 

The next meeting of the Commoners, was July 21, 1707, when nothing 
was done except to adjourn to September 2d. At the latter meeting, a 
committee was chosen to prosecute all trespassers on the common lands, 

* We do not learn in whose hands the hook was at this time, but it was probal)ly one of the original 
proprietors of the township. 

t Captain Samuel Ayre, John White, Joseph Peasely, Sen. 


and the Town Clerk was empowered, as " Clerk of the Proprietors In Hav- 
erhill Commons," to execute a power of attorney for the committee.'-'' 

At the Commoners' meeting of September 2d, Thomas Ayer petitioned 
" for a small piece of land to set a house on near the Meeting house, that 
so the said Ayer's wife might be the better accommodated for the keeping 
of school to teach children to read." The Selectmen were empowered to 
lay him out a piece for that purpose, to enjoy during her lifetime. f 

With the opening of the spring of 1706, the Indians again commenced 
harrassing the frontier settlements. The first attack was made in April, 
at Oyster Eiver, where eight persons were killed, and two wounded. On 
the 3d of July, seven were killed at Dunstable, and the same day. Ser- 
geant Kingsbury, of this town, was killed, or taken prisoner. J A few 
days after, (10th) two more were killed, and two captured, at Dunstable ; 
and the same party penetrated as far as Amesbury, where they killed some 
cattle. At Exeter, the same day, four were killed, one wounded, and 
three captured. About the same time, one person was killed at Hampton. 

To add to the general alarm, Governor Dudley received intelligence from 
Colonel Schuyler, of Albany, that two hundred and seventy French and 
Indians were on the march toward Piscataqua ! Fortunately for the in- 
habitants, the expedition was abandoned. 

Sometime in the summer of this year, a small party of Indians again 
visited the garrison of Joseph Bradley ; and it is said that he, his wife 
and children, and a hired man, were the only persons in it at the time. It 
was in the night, the moon shone brightly, and they could be easily seen, 
silently and cautiously approaching. Mr. Bradley armed himself, his wife 
and man, each with a gun, and such of his children as could shoulder one. 
Mrs. Bradley, supposing that they had come purposely for her, told her 
husband that she had rather be killed than be again taken. The Indians 
rushed upon the garrison, and endeavored to beat down the door. They 
succeeded in pushing it partly open, and when one of the Indians began 
to crowd himself through the opening, Mrs. Bradley fired her gun and shot 
him dead. The rest of the party, seeing their companion fall, desisted 
from their purpose, and hastily retreated. § 

Some idea of the dangers and alarms of these years, and the great exer- 
tions made for the security of the frontier towns, may be had from the 

" Suits were immediately instituted against several persons by the Committee. 

t Thomas Ayer married Ruth Wilford. Children, — Euth, born 1695; Josiah, born 1698; Thomas, 
born 1699 ; Gibberd, born 1702 ; Euth, born 1705, killed by Indians August 29, 1708. Euth, the wife, 
was also killed at the same time. Ayer afterward married widow Blasedell. Children, — Ruth, born 1711, 
died young. 

t Pike's Journal. § Tradition. — Mirick. 


large number of soldiers ferried across the Merrimack at a single place — 
Griffin's ferry, opposite the present village: — March 9, 1705, thirty 
men ; July 1, 1706, forty -seven men ; 6th, forty-five men and horses ; 9th 
forty-one men; 15th, thirty-eight men and horses; June -tth, 1707, eleven 
men; l-tth, forty-five men and horses; 30th, thirty-one men and horses; 
July 15th, thirty-nine men and horses; August 1st forty-five men and 
horses; 26th, thirty-nine men and horses; September 27th, thirty. men 
and horses; October 24th, forty-four men and horses. In 1708, Grriffin 
ferried across, at various times, one hundred and eighty men, and thirty- 
one horses. A company of " Centinels," under Colonel Saltonstall, was 
posted at Bradford, from May 20th to October 7th ; and another at Ando- 
ver for the same time. 

No further damage was done by the enemy, until the next spring, when 
(May 22, 1707,) a small party killed and captured four persons at Oyster 
Eiver. On the 24th of June, Joseph and Ebeuezer Page, sons of Joseph 
Page of this town, were killed by the Indians. In August, another attack 
was made on the town, in which Nathan Simonds, of this town, and Jon- 
athan Marsh, of Salem, were wounded. =••■' The particulars of these attacks 
on the town are now lost. In September, two persons were killed at 
Kingston and Exeter, and a party of Mohawks attacked the settlement at 
Oyster Eiver, killing eight of the inhabitants, and wounding another. 

For several months succeeding this, the enemy seemed to have forsaken 
the frontiers, and the inhabitants once more began to feel some degree of 
security. But, early in the spring of 1708, intelligence was carried to 
Governor Dudley, at Boston, that an army, consisting of eight hundred 
men, was about marching for some one of the frontier settlements. Upon 
the receipt of this, he " ordered guards in the most exposed places of both 
his provinces." A body of troops, under Captain Eobert Coffin, patrolled 
from Kingston to Cocheco, and scouts were ordered to be kept out 
continually. Four hundred Massachusetts Militia were posted in N. H. 
Province. The guard sent to this town, consisted of about forty men, 
accompanied with three officers, from Salem, — Major Turner, (afterward 
Colonel, a principal merchant of that place, and for many years a member 
of the council) , Captain "Price, and Captain Gardner, and soon after their 
an'ival, they were posted in the frontier houses and garrisons. The follow- 
ing account is copied from Mirick : — 

" Early in the year, a grand council was held at Montreal, when an 
extensive engagement was agreed upon ; which was to be joined by the 
principal Indians of every tribe in Canada, the Abenakis tribe, one hundred 

o State Archives, Vol. 8. 


select French Canaclians, and a number of volunteers, several of whom 
were officers in the French army, composing a formidable body of about 
four hundred men. The French were commanded by DeChaillons, and the 
infamous Hertel de Eouville, the sacker of Deerfield,-'^ and the Indians by 
by La Perriere. The Indians were merciless, insolent and revengeful; 
but the French at that period equalled, and we had almost said, exceeded 
them in acts of wantonness and barbarity. When the former were weary 
of murdering " poor, helpless women and children" — when they were 
glutted with blood, it is said that M. Vaudreuil, then Governor of Canada, 
employed the latter to do it.f 

To excite less surprise among the English, they divided their army into 
two bodies ; the French with the Algonquin, the St. Francois, and Huron 
Indians, were to take the route by the river St. Francois, and La Perriere 
and the French Mohawks, were to pass by Lake Champlain. Lake 
Nickisipigue was appointed the place of rendezvous, and there they were to 
meet the Norridgewock, the Penobscot, and other eastern tribes. J These 
arrangements being completed, they commenced their march the 16th of 
July ; but before the first named party had arrived at the St. Francois, 
a Huron was accidentally killed by a companion, which was considered by 
the tribe as an ill-omen, and that the expedition, though commenced under 
such favorable auspices, would certainly prove unfortunate. Strongly 
impressed with this idea, and not wishing to be connected with it if it 
should so prove, they deserted. The Mohawks then pretended that an 
infectious distemper had broken out among them, and that it would soon 
spread among the rest of the tribes, if they remained — and they also 
returned. M. Vaudreuil, when he heard of this, immediately sent word to 
the French officers to proceed, and fall upon some of the English settle- 
ments, even if they should be deserted by the Algonquin and St. Francois 
tribes. These, however, remained firm to their allegiance, and they 
continued their march ; but when they arrived at Nickisipigue, their 
rendezvous, what was their astonishment at finding that the eastern Indians 
had broken faith with them. 

It is said that their first design was to attack Portsmouth, and then, 
marching rapidly onward to other settlements, spread terror and desolation 

* Deerfield was desolated in the winter of 170i. The French and Indians were commanded by this 
same Hertel de Rouville, whose name will ever be coupled with infamy, assisted by four of his brothers ; 
all of whom had been trained up to the business by their father, who had been a famous partizan in their 
former wars. They slaughtered forty-seven of the inhabitants, plunSered the village, and set it on fire. 
They then retreated, carrying with them one hundred and twelve, as prisoners of war. Dr. Samuel 
Williams, the immediate descendant of one of the principal sufferers, and the accomplished historian of 
Vermont, has given an interesting account of the whole affair. 

•(• Hutchinson. | Ibid, 


along tlie whole frontier. But being unable to accomplish this, on account 
of the unexpected desertions, tbej were obliged to modify tbeir plan. 
Their whole force was now about 250, a small number when compared 
with that which started from Canada. Probably the French officers felt 
ashamed to return without eifecting something, after they had been at so 
much trouble and expense ; accordingly, Haverhill, a compact village, 
consisting of about thirty houses, =•■•= was selected for the slaughter. 

At the break of day, on the 29 th of August, they passed the frontier 
garrisons undiscovered, and were first seen near the pound, marching two 
and two, by John Keezar,f who was returning from Amesbury. He im- 
mediately ran into the village and alarmed the inhabitants, who seem to 
have slept totally unguarded, by firing his gun near the meeting-house. 
The enemy soon appeared, making the air ring with terrific yells, with a 
sort of whistle, which says tradition, could be heard as far as a horn, and 
clothed in all the terrors of a savage war-dress. They scattered in every 
direction over the village, so that they might accomplish their bloody work 
with more despatch. The first person they saw, was Mrs. Smith, whom 
they shot as she was flying from her house to a garrison. The foremost 
party attacked the house J of Eev. Benjamin Eolfe, which was then garri- 
soned with three soldiers, and he, and a part of his beloved family, were 
suddenly awakened from their slumbers, only to hear the horrid knell for 
their departure. Mr. Eolfe instantly leaped from his bed, placed himself 
against the door, which they were endeavoring to beat in, and called on 
the soldiers for assistance ; but these craven-hearted men refused to give 
it, for they were palsied with fear, and walked to and fro through the 

-■ Hutchinson. 

t This Keezar, the son of John Keezar, who was killed when Mrs. Dnstin was captured, was a very 
eccentric man, and a jack of all trades. He was said to he exceedingly proud of his proficiency in walking 
leaping, and other manual exercises ; and, if tradition may be relied upon, he was certainly a great walker 
and leaper ; for it said that he walked to Boston and back again in one night, and jumped over a cart 
with two large pails full of milk in his hands. It was his custom to go from this town to Amesbury and 
p'tch his tent on the side of a hill, where te worked at the trade of shoemaking, and lived in all respects, 
while there, like an austere hermit. Some say, that when he discovered the enemy, he was out to take in 
his horse, which, according to his custom, he had turned into his neighbor's field to feed. Others say they 
were discovered by one Hutchins, who was out to steal milk from his neighbor's cows. 

Another account says that the slaughter might have been prevented had it not been for the agitation of 
a young man, who, intending to start very early that morning for a distant town, went up on the Common 
to catch his horse, and while there, discovered the enemy advancing toward the village. He immediately 
hastened to the town, but in his extreme agitation, he thought only of the safety of the young lady to 
whom he had paid very particular attention some time previous. It is said that he passed through a part 
of the village, went directly to the abode of his mistress, and concealed her in a pile of boards. He then, 
after seeing his own property safe, and which, perhaps, was all he possessed in the wide world, gave the 
al.arm ; but the attack had already commenced. 

t Where Dr. Moses Nichols' house now stands. 


chambers, crying and swinging tlaeir arms." Had they displayed but half 
the ordinary courage of men, no doubt they would have successfully de- 
fended the house. But, instead of that, they did not fire a gun, or even 
lift a finger toward its defence. The enemy finding their entrance stren- 
uously opposed, fired two balls through the door, one of which took efi'ect, and 
wounded Mr. Eolfe in the elbow. They then pressed against it with their 
united strength, and Mr. Eolfe, finding it impossible to resist them any 
longer, fled precipitately through the house, and out at the back door. 
The Indians followed, overtook him at the well, and despatched him with 
their tomahawks.f They then searched every part of the house for j^lunder, 
and also for other victims, on whom they might inflict their savage cruelties. 
'They soon found Mrs. Eolfe and her youngest child, Mehitable, and while 
one of them sunk his hatchet deep in her head, another took the infant 
from her dying grasj), and dashed its head against a stone near the door. 

Two of Mr. Eolfe' s children, about six and eight years of age,f were 
providentially saved by the sagacity and courage of Hagar, a negro slave, 
who was an inmate of the family. Upon the first alarm, she leaped from 
her bed, carried them into the cellar, covered them with two tubs, and 
then concealed herself. The enemy entered the cellar and plundered it of 
every thing valuable. They repeatedly passed the tubs that covered the 
two children, and even trod on the foot of one, without discovering them. 
They drank milk from the pans, then dashed them on the cellar bottom, 
and took meat from the barrel, behind which Hagar was concealed. § 

* Just what -we might expect of such "hired hoys" as Colonel Noyes had sent to defend (!) the town. 
— G. W. C. 

t Anothei" account says that he was killed by one of the bullets shot through the door, and this we be- 
lieve is the prevailing opinion ; but we feel confident that it is untrue. We know that it is hard for others, 
as well as ourselves, to give up a tradition which we have often heard repeated by our neighbors, and by 
our fathers ; but in this case we think it must be done, if the truth is desired. When we first began to 
develope the affair, we felt confident, almost to a certainty, that be was killed through the door, because 
every body said so ; and indeed, we had so wrote it, and read it to a friend of ours, who agreed with us on 
that point, at least he made no objections to it. But while examining other afiairs, we were shown some 
extracts from the manuscript account of Rev. Abicl Abbot, taken by him from the lips of Judith Whiting, 
and which has been before mentioned in this work. Mrs. Whiting was eight years old when the attack 
happened, and when she gave the account to Mr. Abbot, though very aged, her faculties were unimpaired ; 
and she stated that he was shot through tlie elbow, fled through the bouse, and was tomahawked at the 
well. We place much reliance on her statement, and no doubt, the story of Mr. Eolfe's being killed 
through the door, arose from the wound which he received in his elbow. It appears to us very probable 
that it bhould. — Mirick. 

X Elizabeth, was afterward the wife of the Rev. Samuel Checkley, of Boston, and was the mother of 
the wife of Samuel Adams, the patriot. Mary became the wife of Colonel Estes Hatch, of Dorchester. 

§ " Her father's maid-servant hearing that the Indians were upon them, jumped from her bed, and with 
wonderful presence of mind, took t^vo of the little daughters, who probably slept in the room with her, 
one 13 and the other 9, named Mary and Elizabeth, and fled with them into the cellar. There, under 
two large tubs, she concealed them, and then successfully concealed herself." — Drake's History of Boston. 



Anna "VYhittaker, wlio was then living in the family of Mx\ Eolfe, pro- 
bably as a nurse, concealed lierself in an apple-chest, under the stairs, and 
escaped unharmed.* But it fared differently with the cowardly soldiers. 
They earnestly begged for mercy, of their inhuman conquerors, but their 
cries were unheeded ; and when the massacre was over, their bodies were 
numbered with the slain. We can have no pity for the fate of such 
contemptible cowards. A man who will shrink from danger at such a time, 
and in such a situation, while he holds the weapons of defence in his hands, 
should be ranked with the reptile, and ever be looked upon with scorn by 
the world. The names of such, should sink in oblivion, or survive as 
memorials of surpassing infamy. 

The family of Thomas Hartshorne suffered as severely as that of Mr. 
Eolfe. He saw a party approaching to assault his house, which stood a 
few rods west of the meeting-house, and escaped out of it, followed by two 
of his sons, to call assistance ; but all three were shot dead immediately 
after leaving it. A third son was tomahawked as he was coming out at 
the door. Mrs. Hartshorne, with that presence of mind which is a 
characteristic of her sex, when surrounded with danger, instantly took the 
rest of her children — except an infant which she left on the bed in the 
garret, and which she was afraid would, by its cries, betray their place of 
concealment, if she took it with her — through a trap door into the cellar. 
The enemy entered the house, and began to plunder it, but happily did 
not discover them. They went into the garret, took the infant from its 
bed, and threw it out of the window. It fell on a pile of clapboards, and 
when the action was over, it was found completely stunned. It lived, 
however, and became a man of uncommon stature, and of remarkable 
strength. His neighbors would frequently joke him, and say that the 
Indians stunted him when they threw him from the garret-window. f 

One of the parties proceeded towards the river, and attacked the house 
of Lieutenant John Johnson. J Mr. Johnson and his wife, with an infant a 

"^ From the fullowing extract, it would seem that Anna A'v'hittaker afterward claimed for herself the 
credit of saying the children. . The above, however, has always been considered the correct version of the 
incident : — "Brookfield, Sep 2-i, 1764. 

On the 8th Inst, died after a few Days illness, Mrs Anna Hcyward in the 74th Year of her Ago, 
the Wife of Oliver Hej'ward Esq. She has left by a former Husband {John Hind) 13 Children, 82 
Grand-Children, and 17 Great-Grand-Children, in all 112. She was very useful as a Mid-wife, and in her 
last sickness she had a most unshaken Trust in the Mercy of God, through the Redeemer. In her Youth, 
■when the Savages invaded Haverhill, she saved two Children of the Rev Mr Molfe's, by hiding them in 
the Cellar alter the Indians had entered the House while they were glutting their Rage on the Parents : 
the two Indians followed her into the Cellar, yet such was her Tresence of Mind, and Dexterity, that she 
conceal'dthe Children and herself that they escaped their Notice; and they were the only Members of 
the Family at Home who survived the bloody Carnage." — From Ilassachusetts Gazette, Sept. 27, 1764. 

t Abbott's MSS. 

X Johnson's house stood on the spot now covered by the Exchange building, on Water Street. 


year old in her arms, were standing at the door, when the enemy made 
their appearance. Mr. Johnson was shot, and his wife fled through the 
house into the garden,-' carrying her babe, where she was overtaken by the 
foe, and immediately despatched. But when she fell, she was careful not 
to injure her child, and it seemed as if her last thoughts were for its 
safety. The enemy, it appears, did not murder it, and it is somewhat 
remarkable that they did not; for they always took great delight in 
torturing and dashing out the brains of innocent babes. Perhaps it was 
because the mother was not alive to witness its agonies. After the massa- 
cre was over, it was found at the breast of its dead mother, f 

Another party rifled and burnt the house of Mr. Silver, which stood 
within ten rods of the meeting house, and others attacked the watch-house, 
which was, however, successfully defended. Another party went to the 
house of Captain Simon Wainwriglit,f whom they killed at the first fire. 
The soldiers stationed in the chambers, were preparing to defend the house 
till the last, when Mrs. Wainwright fearlessly unbarred the door, and let 
them in. She spoke to them kindly, waited upon them with seeming 
alacrity, and promised to procure them whatever they desired. The enemy 
knew not what to make of this ; — the apparent cheerfulness with which 
they were received, and the kindness with which they were treated, was so 
difi"erent from what they expected to meet with, that it seemed to para- 
lyze their energies. They, however, demanded money of Mrs. Wainwright, 
and upon her retiring ' to bring it,' as she said, she fled with all her chil- 
dren, except one daughter who was taken captive, and were not afterwards 
discovered. The enemy, so soon as they saw how completely they had 
been deceived, were greatly enraged, and attacked the chambers with 
great violence ; but the soldiers courageously defended them, and after 
attempting to fire the house, they retreated, taking with them three pris- 
oners. In the mean-time, two Indians skulked behind a large stone,„which 
stood in the field a few rods east of the house, where they could fire up- 
on its inmates at their leisure. The soldiers in the chambers fired upon 
them, and killed them both. They were afterwards buried in the same 
field, a few rods south, and but a few years since, the water washed their 
skeletons from their places of repose. § 

Two Indians attacked the house of Mr. Swan, which stood in the field 
now called White's lot,|| nearly opposite to the house of Capt. Emerson. 

<* Where the Osgood Block now stands. t Tradition. 

X Captain Wainwright lived in a house which stood on the ground now covered by that of the late 
Captain Nehemiah Emerson's, and directly opposite the Winter Street Church. — G. W. C. § Mirick. 

II White's Lot was situated between White and Franlilin Streets. Swan's house was probably very 
near the present site of the Winter Street Church. — G. W. C. 


Swan and his wife saw them approaching, and determined, if possible, to 
save their own lives, and the lives of their children, from the knives of the 
ruthless butchers. They immediately placed themselves against the door, 
which was so narrow that two could scarcely enter abreast. The 
Indians rushed against it, but finding that it could not be easily 
opened, they commenced their operations more systematically. One of 
them placed his back to the door, so that he could make his whole strength 
bear upon it, while the others pushed against him. The strength of the 
besiegers was greater than that of the besieged, and Mr. Swan, being 
rather a timid man, said our venerable narrator, almost despaired of sav- 
ing himself and family, and told his wife that he thought it would be bet- 
ter to let them in. But this resolute and courageous woman had no such 
idea. The Indians had now succeeded in partly opening the door, and one 
of them was crowding himself in, while the other was pushing lustily after. 
The heroic wife saw that there was no time for parleying — she seized her 
spit, which was nearly three feet in length, and a deadly weapon in the 
hands of woman, as it proved, and collecting all the strength she pos- 
sessed, drove it through the body of the foremost. This was too warm a 
reception for the besiegers — it was resistance from a source, and with a 
weapon they little expected ; and surely, who else would ever think of 
spitting a man ? — The two Indians, thus repulsed, immediately retreated 
and did not molest them again. Thus, by the fortitude and heroic courage 
of a wife and mother, this family was probably saved from a bloody 

One of the parties set fire to the back side of the meeting-house, a new 
and, for that period, an elegant building. These transactions were all per- 
formed about the same time ; but they were not permitted to continue 
their work of murder and conflagration long, before they became panic- 
struck. Mr. Davis, an intrepid man, went behind Mr. Kolfe's barn, which 
stood near the house, struck it violently with a large club, called on men 
by name, gave the word of command, as though he were ordering an at- 
tack, and shouted with a loud voice, " Come on ! come on ! we will have 
them ! " The party in Mr. Eolfe's house, supposing that a large body of 

<* The account of this deed is received wholly from tradition. We heard it related by an aged and 
venerable gentleman, Captain Nehemiah Emerson, who has often heard it told by his grand-father, who 
then lived in the garrison of his father, Jonathan Emerson. — Mirick 

The house of Nathan Simons was also attacked, and he was wounded in the arm, by a ball. Simons 
shot two Indians, when the others withdrew. From Sibley's History of Union, Me., we learn that there 
is a tradition in the Sibley family, that Samuel Sibley, from whom the settlers iu Union are descended, 
was killed in this town at this time, whUe throwing water upou the meeting-house after it had been set 
on fire by the Indians. He belonged in Salem, and was probably one of the men under Major Turner at 
this time.— G. W. C. 


the English had come upon them, began the cry of "The English are 
come ! " ■- and after attempting to fire the house, precipitately left it. 
About this time, Major Turner arrived with a company of soldiers, and 
the whole body of the enemy then commenced a rapid retreat, taking with 
them a nu.mber of prisoners. The retreat commenced about the ris- 
ing of the sun. Meantime, Mr. Davis ran to the meeting-house, and 
with the aid of a few others, succeeded in extinguishing the devour- 
. ing element ; but it was mostly owing to his exertions, that the house was 

The town by this time was generally alarmed. Joseph Bradley collec- 
ted a small party, in the northerly part of it, and secured the medicine- 
box and packs of the enemy, which they had left about three miles from 
the village.! Capt. Samuel Ayer, a fearless man, and of great strength, 
collected a body of about twenty men, and pursued the retreating foe. He 
came uj) with them just as they were entering the woods, when they faced 
about, and though they numbered thirteen or more to one, still Capt. Ayer 
did not hesitate to give them battle. These gallant men were soon rein- 
forced by another party, under the command of his son| ; and after a 
severe skirmish, which lasted about an hour, they retook some of the pris- 
oners, and the enemy precipitately retreated, leaving nine of their number 

The French and Indians continued their retreat, and so great were their 
sufferings, arising from the loss of their packs, and their consequent ex- 

Sketclj of HaverhUl. — Saltonstall. 

t A short distance north of the house of Deacon Carleton, in the West Parish, and ahout half a mile 
north of the place where the subsequent skirmish took place. — G. W. C. 

1 The whole mimher is supposed to have been sixty or seventy. — G. W. C. 

§ The spot where this skirmish took place, was the rise of land nearly west of the house of S. Eaton 
Esq., about half way between the Derry Road and the Parsonage Pvoad, and south-east of Long Hill, in the 
AVest Parish. Among the enemy who fell at this place, were Hertcl of Chambly, and Yerchercs, both 
officers of experience. , In this bloody afiair, the renowned chief Assacamhuit, or, as the French called 
him, Ncscambiouit, fought side by side with the French Commander-in-Chief, and is said to have per- 
formed prodigies of valor with the sword ptesented to him by Louis XIV, of France, in 1706. The enemy 
had eighteen wounded; and three Indians, and five Frenchmen killed. Assacambuit was himself 
wounded in the foot by a shot. 

Smith, in his History of Canada, (Quebec, 1815, Vol. 1, p. 163,) gives the following account of this 
memorable attack on the town : — " The French army pushed on to the attack of a village, called Haverhill, 
in which was posted fifty soldiers, sent by the Governor of New England, in consequence of the information 
of the approach of a French force. The Village was attacked at day break, on the 29th day of August, 
was well defended by a small party of troops and by the inhabitants ; at length overpowered by numbers, 
the French took possession of it, having killed not less than one hundred men, and carried several into 
captivity. The French, on their return were pursued, and overtaken just as they were entering the woods, 
an action ensued which lasted about an hour, when the English were defeated and several were killed, 
The French loss, amounted only to eight men killed and eighteen wounded ; among the slain, were two 
officers, Hortel de Chambly, Eouville's brother, and Verchercs." — Ot. W. C. 


posure to famine, that many of the Frencbmen returned and surrendered 
themselves prisoners of war ; and some of the captives were dismissed, 
with a message that, if they were pursued, the others should be put to 
death. Perhaps, if they had been pursued, nearly the whole of their force 
might have been conquered ; for the Governor, in his address to the As- 
sembly, says, " we might have done more against them if we had followed 
their tracks." As it was, they left thirty of their number dead, in 
both engagements, and many were wounded, whom they carried with them. 
The French, when they returned, reported very differently from this ; 
they said that they " faced about, and that our people, being astonished, 
were all killed or taken, except ten or twelve, who escaped." 

The inhabitants were now left to perform the sorrowful office of bury- 
ing their dead — and it was a sorrowful one indeed. The day was 
somewhat advanced when the battle was over, and it being extremely warm 
the interment was necessarily hurried. Coffins could not be made for all, 
and a large pit was dug in the burying ground, in which several of them 
were laid. Some of those who fell in the last engagement, it is presumed, 
were buried on the spot. 

The following is a list of the slain who belonged to this town ; perhaps 
it is not full, though we have taken great pains to make it so : — Eev. 
Benjamin Eolfe, his wife and one child ; Mrs. Smith, Thomas Hartshorne 
and three sons ; Lieut. John Johnson and his wife, Catharine ; Capt. Simon 
Wainwright ; Capt. Samuel Ayer ; John Dalton ; Kuth Ayer, wife of 
Thomas Ayer, and one daughter; and Paith Johnson, wife of Thomas 
Johnson. The whole number is sixteen. We have not been able to collect 
the names of those who were taken prisoners, or the exact number. Mr. 
Pike, in his Journal, says that the enemy ' killed and carried away 33 
persons, and burnt several houses.' Mr. Hutchinson says ' about forty ' 
were killed and taken prisoners ; perhaps the truth would fall between. 
A daughter of Capt. Simon Wainwright, who was not so fortunate as to 
escape with her mother, when she fled with the rest of her children, was 
made prisoner ; and in 1710, her mother, Mary, petitioned the General 
Court to redeem her. The following is her petition : — 

" Haverhill, 20th April, 1710. 

To his Excellency, Joseph Dudley, Captain-General and Governor in 
chief, &c.,&c., to the Honorable council and General Assembly now mett; 
the petition of ^lary Wainwright sheweth that, whereas my daughter hath 
been for a long time in captivity with the French of Canada, and I have 
late reason to fear that her soul is in great danger if not already capti- 
vated and she brought to their way ; therefore I humbly intreate vour 


Excellency, that some care may be taken for her redemption before Canada 
be so endeared to her that I shall never have my daughter more. Some 
are ready to say that there are so few captives in Canada that it is not 
Tvorthe while to put the country to the charges for them ; but I hope your 
Excellency, nor any other good, judicious man, will think so ; for St. James 
has instructed us, as you may see, chapter 5, v 20 — Let him know that he 
which converteth the sinner from the error of his way shall save a soul 
from death, and shall hide a multitude of sins. This is all I can do at 
present, but I desire humbly to begg of God that he would direct the hearts 
of our rulers to do that which may be most for his glory and for the good 
of his poor distressed creatures, and so I take leave to subscribe myself 
your most humble petitioner, Widow Mary Wainwright. 

In the house of Eepresentatives read and recommended 12th June." 

One of the soldiers, Joseph Bartlett, stationed at Capt. Wainwright's 
house, was also taken prisoner ; ^•' he was a native of Newbury, was born 
18th November, 1686, taken prisoner 29th August, 1708, returned 8th 
November, 1712, and died 1754, aged 68. After his return, he published 
a narrative f of his captivity, and perhaps the History of Haverhill will 
not be deemed an improper place to give a short account of him. 

'In the year 1707 — says the narrative — in November 1, Joseph 
Bartlett was pressed and sent to Haverhill. My quarters were in the 
house of Capt. Waindret, [wright.] August 29, 1708, there came about 
100 French and 30 Indians J and beset the town of Haverhill — set fire 
to several houses; among which was that of Capt. W.' After the enemy 
entered the house, they took him and another soldier, named Newmarsh, 
and the daughter of Mrs. Wainwright, prisoners. Soon after the different 
parties commenced their retreat, they knocked one of their prisoners in 
head, named Liudall, a soldier belonging to Salem. He then says: 
' They then marched on together, when Capt. Eaires (Ayer,) with a small 
company waylaid and shot upon them, which put them to flight, so that 
they did not get together again until three days aftei'.' Bartlett said 
that he was first taken by the French, but after the battle they gave him 
to the Indians. The three first days they travelled hard. 

He was compelled to carry a heavy pack, and travel with his hands tied 
behind him. A part of the time he was led by an Indian, who carried a 
hatchet in his hand and a pistol in his girdle, with a cord tied about his 

'■'' John Gyles, of Lynn, one of Major Turner's soldiers wns wounded in the attack, 
t We have never seen but one copy of this narrative, and that was obtained for us by John Farmer, 
Esq., of Concord. 

J Most of tlie accounts agree in stating that there was about two hundred and fifty of the enemy. 


Heck. On arriving at Lake Winnipiseoge, tlie Frencli and Indians parted. 
The latter crossed the Lake ; but before they reached the opposite shore, 
they killed a bear which was swimming in the water, towed it to the 
shore and cooked it. They then fared sumptuously, and remained in that 
place about a day and a half, when they proceeded on their journey, and 
travelled five days, with scarcely any other sustenance than pounded corn. 
Having arrived at a river, the Indians made some canoes in a day and a 
half, when they sailed down the stream three days, eating nothing for four, 
but a few sour grapes and thorn plums. They then killed a hawk and 
divided it among fifteen — the head fell to the share of Mr. Bartlett, which, 
he says, " was the largest meal I had these four days." From thence they 
proceeded to Chamble, and on their passage they met with some Indians 
who gave them a little corn and a few pumpkins. He there saw an 
Englishman, named Littlefield, taken from Wells. The Indians shaved 
the hair from one side of his head, greased the other, and painted his face. 
They then started for Montreal, and when they arrived, he was examined 
by the Governor, and from thence went to the house of a Eoman Catholic 
Priest, where he lodged over night. The next morning they started for an 
Indian fort, nine miles distant. When about half way, they came to a fire, 
surrounded by ' fifteen men and thirty boys,' where they held a consulta- 
tion about burning him ; but before it was closed, the Indians, who owned 
him, and the boys, marched away. Soon as they arrived at the fort, they 
began to abuse their prisoner — a squaw cut off his little finger, and 
another beat him with a pole. The Indians danced and sung all night, 
and invited him to join them, but he refused ; they pulled him into the 
ring, however, and he went once round it. An Indian then came to him, 
and, after making a long speech, gave him to an jDld squaw, who took 
him to her wigwam. In February next, he went to live with a French- 
man, named Delude, and remained with him until Sunday, October 5, 
1712, when he started to return to his friends in Newbury, and arrived 
on the 8th of November, after a captivity of four years, two months, and 
nine days. 

After his return, the General Court ordered that ' the sum of £20. los. 
be allowed and paid to Joseph Bartlett in full of his petition of charges 
and expenses to obtain his liberty from the Indians, being taken prisoner 
by the Indians at Haverhill when in her Majesties service in the year 
1708, and for his support during four years captivity and for the loss of 
his arms.' 

Mr. Pike, in his Journal, says that ' many soldiers belonging to Salem, 
were here slain.' Among them was William Cofiin, who distinguished 


himself for his bravery ; and soon after, his widow petitioned the General 
Court for relief, when it passed the following resolve : — 

' Nov. -5, 1708. — Kesolved that the sum of £5 be allowed and paid out 
of the puhlick Treasury to the Petitioner, Mrs. Sarah Coffin, on account of 
the remarkable forwardness and courage which her husband, William 
Coffin of Salem, distinguished himself by, in the action at Haverhill 
where he was slain.' 

Mr. Eolfe, his wife and child, were buried in one grave, near the south 
end of the burial-ground. A single monument was erected to their mem- 
ory, on which was chiselled an inscription for each ; but the hand of time 
has been rough with them — they are overgrown with moss, and the epi- 
taphs are now almost illegible.'-' 

The following is the epitaph of Mr. Eolfe : — 

' Clauditur hoc tumulo corpus Reverendi pii doctique viri, D. Benjamin 
Rolfe, ecclesice Christi quce est in haverhill pastoris Jidelissimi ; qui domi 
suae ad hostibus harbare trucidatus. A lahorihus suis reqtdeuit mane dlei 
sacrce quietis, Aug. XXIX anno domini, MDCGVIII. ^tatis sum 

This worthy man was born at Xewbury, 1662, and graduated at Cam- 
bridge, 1684. He seems to have been a pious and upright man, ardently 
devoting his time and talents to forward the cause of his Saviour. He 
was respected and beloved by his people, and we cannot learn that any 
difficulty arose between them, after his settlement. 

The grave-stones of Capt. Ayer, Capt. Wainwright, and Lieut. Johnson, 
are nigh to Mr. Eolfe's but are considerably damaged, and their inscrip- 
tions have become nearly illegible. 

'- In 1847-8, a neat and substantial granite monument was erected over the grave of Mr. Rolfe, by the 
Ladies, who were then making much needed improvements in the "Old Burying Gronnd." The monu- 
ment stands about six and one-half feet high, is of Concord, N. H., granite, and was finished at the 
establishment of Mr. F. A. Brown, in this town. It bears the following inscription : — 

" Enclosed in this tomb, is the body of a man, pious, learned and reverend, BENJAMIN ROLFE, a 
most faithful Pastor of the Church of Christ in Haverhill ; who was barbarously slain by the Indians at 
his own house. He rested from his labors on the morning of the Sabbath, the 29th of Aug in the year of 
our Lord 1708, and of his age the 46th. (On the second side) Mrs Mehitable Rolfe, aged 44 yrs. 
Mehitable Rolfe, aged 2 yrs. Were slain Aug 29, 1708. (On the third side) Capt Samuel Ayer, Capt 
Simon Wainwright, Lieut John Johnson, were slain, with thirteen others, Aug. 29, 1708. (On the fourth 
side) Clauditur hoc tumulo corpus reverendi, pii, viri, Benjamin Kolfe, ecclesiaa Christi quse est in 
Haverhill, pastoris fidelissimi ; qui domi suaa; ab hostibus barbare trucidatus. 

E l.aboribus suis requievit mane diei sacred quietis Aug XXIX Anno Domini MDCGVIII .^tatis 
sua; XLVI." 

Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, married Mehitabel Atwater, March 12, 169.3-4. ( hildren, — Mary, March 9, 1093 ; 
Benjamin, September 2, 1696: John, July 2, 1698, died August 3, 1698; John and Elizabeth, twins, 
September 1, 1099, (John died September 18, 1699) ; Francis, January 16, 1702.— G. W. C. 

t " Inclosed in this tomb is the body of the reverend, pious. A' learned Benjamin Rolfe, the faithful 
pastor of the Church of Christ in Haverhill ; who was barbarously slain in his own house by the enemy. 
He rested from his labors early on the day of sacred rest, Aug 29, 1708, in the 46th year of his age." 


Capt. Ayer was slain in the last engagement, before the reinforcement 
arrived. He was shot in the gToin, and being a large, robust man, bled 
profusely. When his son arrived, he was told that his father was killed, 
and the informant pointed him out. He looked at the corpse a while, as 
it lay on the grass, all covered with blood, and told his informant that 
that person could not be his father, for he (meaning the person slain,) had 
on a pair of red breeches. Capt. Ayer was one of the Selectmen, a Dea- 
con of the church, and one of the most worthy, active and intelligent 
citizens of the town. He lived near the house of Capt. John Ayer, 2d =•' 
Lieut. Johnson was also a Deacon of the church, and was an active and 
useful citizen. He is supposed to be descended from Capt. Edward John- 
son, the author of the ' Wonder Worhmg Providence of Zion's Saviour ' 
in New England, and who, in company with Jonathan Ince, of Cambridge, 
and Sergeant John Sherman, of Watertown, surveyed the northern bounds 
of the Patent of Massachusetts, in 1652. 

Captain Wainwright came from Ipswich ; he had two brothers, John and 
Francis. His father, whose name was Francis, came from Chelmsford, in 
England, when a boy, and died about 1690. He is particularly noticed 
in the Pequot war, where he was simultaneously attacked by two Indians, 
and while defending himself broke the stock of his gun ; he then used the 
barrel, and finally killed them both. 

Captain "Wainwright was a high-minded and influential citizen. He 
was supposed to be very rich, and there is a tradition which states that he 
had a large chest filled with dollars — and that he off'ered a man the whole 
if he would extract one of them with his fingers. The man " pulled and 
tugged," as our informant said, with all his strength, but alas ! the thing 
was impossible, and he was obliged to leave it, and be satisfied with only 
looking at the precious stuff". It was also said that he buried much of his 
money, and a part of the field south of Captain Nehemiah Emerson's house, 
has been dug over, for the purpose of finding it. The large oak-tree, near 
Little Eiver, has been twice dug around for the same object, within the 
remembrance of many of our citizens ; but the tantalizing dreams of the 
" money-diggers," it is believed, were never realized."! 

The 29th day of August, 1708, will ever be remembered by the inhabi- 
tants of Haverhill, as that of the last, and the most formidable attack 

* Near the west end of Plug Pond. 

t The field here alluded to is now almost completely covered with dwelling houses, it being that part of 
the village bounded by Little River on the south and west, Winter Street on the north, and the easterly 
line of the lots on the easterly side of Emerson Street on the east. The old oak tree is yet standing, near 
the south west corner of Emerson Street. — G. W. C. 


made upon tlie town during the long years of troubles with the Indians and 
their allies. 

There was an alarm in the town on the night of the 25th of the following 
month, but, fortunately, no attack was made. Colonel Saltonstall, in a letter 
to the Grovernor and Council, under date of the 27th, informs them " that 
a party of the enemy, to the number of about thirty, were discovered in the 
town on Saturday night, but that he soon gave the alarm, drew a number 
of soldiers together, and had repelled and driven them back without 
suffering any loss." 

The Boston Neios Letter, of October 4, (1708,) thus alludes to the 
affair: — " In our last we mentioned a second attempt upon Haverhill; it 
issues thus ; that some few sculking Indians were discovered in the Town 
in the night, and the alarm being made, they were soon frighted, and 
drew off without doing any mischief."* 

• The distressed condition of the town after this terrible visitation, induced 
them to petition the General Court, for an abatement of their taxes, — 
which was granted. The following was their petition : — 
" The Petition of Ye Subscribers humbly showeth. 

That whereas ye Righteous and Holy God hath been pleased in ye dis- 
pensation of his Providence to suffer ye Enemy to break in upon us, & 
by their violent Assaults & Depredations to make desolate several of ye 
best of our habitations in Haverhill, Damnifying us to ye value of about 
1000: lb beside (which is more) loss of lives, thereby reducing us to great 
extremity and distraction, discouraging of hearts of many amongst us who 
are upon designs & endeavors to remove, whereby our condition is rendered 
in some measure comparable to yt of David's & ye men with him when 
Ziklag was Spoiled. Considering also in conjunction therewith ye extreem 
charges we must be exposed unto (if our town stands) in building strong 
Garrisons. Now settling a Mimister. The great obstructions against 
carrving on our dayly occasions, with other difficult circumstances attend- 
ing us too tedious here to enumerate. We makbold to spread our case 
before Yor Hours supplicating your Heedful & compasionate Eegards 
thereto, so far to Alleviate us, as to grant unto us a Release from yt part 
of ye Tax to her Majesty wh is set upon us this year. And hoping yt of 
yr wonted Clemency & Candor you will not pass by our Sufferings «Sj 
Sorrows as those y t are unconcerned. We beg yr favor & pardon, & Leave 

° The only other losses by the Indians this season, were the following : — May 8th, four captured at 
Exeter, and one killed at Oyster River ; July 22d, three killed and two captured at the latter place, four 
children captui'cd at Exeter, and two killed and the same number captured at Kingston. 


to say, yt your Gratification of our request will strengthen those bonds of 
obligation to Duty & Service which are already upon us who freely sub- 
scribe ourselves 

Yor Humble Servts & petitionrs. 
Haverhill Sit f Jonathan Emerson 

Dated Octobr ^ tj i -n -I Jonathan Eatton 

iQ irTAo ot Haverhill j ^v-ir t i " 

18 1/08. (_ W illiam Johnson. 

The Court ordered the sum of thirty pounds to be abated from their tax. 

September 15th, (1708) a meeting was called to see about a new minis- 
ter, and a committee was chosen to supply the pulpit, " for the present, & 
for the coming winter." The committee engaged a Mr. Nicholas Seaver, 
who preached regularly until the next February, (7th) when a meeting was 
called " about a minister, as Mr Sever'stime was near out that he promised 
to stay." The town formally thanked Mr. Seaver for his pains and labor 
in the work among them ; desired his continuance and settlement ; and 
chose a committee to confer with him about the matter. March 1st, 
another meeting was called, at which it was voted to pay Mr. Seaver 
annually twenty pounds in money, and forty pounds in corn, as money, if 
he would settle in the town. 

Two weeks afterward, they voted to add one hundred pounds in money 
to their former offer, "to be improved by him in settling himself with a 
house," and allow him the use of all the parsonage land. This was indeed 
a very liberal offer, and the fact that but four persons dissented from it, 
shows that Mr. Seaver was highly esteemed by the people of the town. 

June 14th, another meeting was held to see about settling Mr. Seaver, 
at which the town voted to give him four contributions annually, and 
twenty cords of wood, in addition to what they had previously offered 
him. They then adjourned to the 21st, when Mr. Seaver's proposals were 
received, read, and declined. The records do not inform us what his pro- 
posals were. 

Mr. Seaver did not continue to preach in town after his proposals were 
declined. He was succeeded by Eev. Mr. Brown, who gave such complete 
satisfaction to the church and the people, that " At a church meeting in 
Haverhill, Voted that the thanks of this church be returned to the Eev. 
Mr. Eichard Brown for his labors with us in the work of the ministry 
hitherto, and that they desire his continuance with us still in that work in 
order to a settlement. And by a unanimous vote, not one person then 
present dissenting the Eev. Mr. Eichard Brown was made choice of to be 
their minister and Pastor if he may be obtained." 

This is the earliest record now preserved of a church meeting in the 


The same day, a town meeting was held, at which it was unanimously 
voted to " concur with the church" in its selection of Mr. Brown for a 
minister, and a committee was chosen to treat with him, and also to treat 
with the administrator for the purchase of the late Mr. Eolfe's house.'- 

December 7th, the committee reported upon the latter proposition, and 
the town voted to purchase the house. The price paid for the house, 
and all his land, was three hundred pounds. 

At this meeting, fifteen personsf had liberty "to build a seat to sit in, 
in the hind seat of the meeting house, in the west gallery, they also prom- 
ising that they would not build so high as to damnify the light of them 
windows at the said west end of the said west gallery," provided they 
made up the number of twenty persons to sit in said seat. 

At the next meeting, eight others| had leave " to build a pew in the 
hinder seat of the front gallery ;" and thirteen young ladies§ were granted 
permission " to build a pew in the hind seat in the east end of the meeting 
house gallery," provided, as in the first mentioned case, they did not 
" damnify or hinder the light." 

The following is equally curious: — " John AVhite desiring leave to set 
up a shed on the outside of the window at the west end of the meetinghouse 
to keep out the heat of the sun there, it was readily granted." (Query, — 
Were window curtains then unknown ?) 

Another Commoners' meeting was held in the spring of this year, (1709) 
at which John White, the Town Clerk, was chosen "Proprietors Clerk," 
and it was decided to hold a meeting on the first Tuesday in April, annu- 
ally. From the record of this meeting it appears, that at the first meeting, 
the previously chosen committee had reported the names of all those who 
were entitled to vote as proprietors of the common land. The same per- 
son being clerk for the town, and also for the Commoners, the record of 
their meetings was kept in the town's book of records until April 13th, 
1713, when they commenced keeping them in a separate book, and so 
continued to keep them, until they ceased to meet, as such. 

*' Mr. Brown, for reasons not given, declined to accept the call to settle in to^vn. He preached here 
twenty-four Sabbaths, and was succeeded by Rev. Joshua Gardner. 

t Nathaniel Merrill, Samuel Roberts, Henry Sanders, John Corlist, Joseph Hutchins, Nathaniel 
Clement, Samuel Watts, Nathaniel Merrill, Jr., John Mulckin, William Smith, John Silver, Thomas 
Silver, John liewy, Ephraim Roberts, Jr., William Whittier. 

The following afterward joined with them : — Samuel Haseltine, Edward Carleton, Abell Merrill, 
Nathaniel Emerson, Jr., John Lad. 

X John Ela, Samuel Ela, Ebenezer Eatton, Robert Slackman, Samuel Peaty, Jonathan Clark, Samuel 
Currier, Jr., Hope Rogers. 

§ Abigail Duston, Abigail Mitchell, Abigail Lad, Mary Corlis, Elizabeth Watts, Mary Mitchell, Sarah 
Peasly, Elizabeth Simons, Susannah Hartshorn, Abiah Clement, Abigail Simons, Bethiah Bodwell, Sarah 


With the following, from Mirich, we close our rcQord of this year : — 
" The house of Col. Richard Saltonstall was blown up by a negro wench, 
on the night of the 29th of March. In Mr. Pike's journal, it is mentioned 
thus : — ' Colo. Saltonstall's house blown up by negroes 20th March, 1 709. 
Though many lodged that night in the house, yet nobody hurt. A mar- 
vellous providence.' Tradition has hoarded many stories concerning this 
affair, some of which are extremely ridiculous. The following, it is be- 
lieved, is a true statement of the case. It appears that the Col. had 
severely corrected the wench, some time previous, for misbehaviour, and 
ever after, she cherished a feeling of hatred toward him, and determined 
to take signal revenge. In the dead of night, on the 29th, when the house 
was wrapped in a profound stillness, she carried a quantity of powder into 
the room, directly under that which was then occupied by the Col. and his 
wife. Having fixed a long train and connected it with the powder, she 
dropt a match upon it and fled precipitately to the farm-house, which stood 
but a few rods distant. She had scarcely secured herself, when the pow- 
der went off with a tremendous explosion, and nearly or quite demolished 
the house. The Col. and his wife were thrown in their bed some distance 
from the house, without receiving any injury. The soldiers stationed in 
the house, were scattered in every direction, but happily, no lives were 
lost. The Col., after recovering from his surprise, went directly to the 
farm-house and found his servants all up, excepting this wench, who feigned 
sleep. He suspected and charged her with the deed, but it could never 
be proved." 




1710 TO 1722. 

At a meeting of tlie town, May 15, 1710, it was unanimously voted, to 
invite Eev. Joshua Gardner to settle in town, and, at the same time, the 
thanks of the town were tendered him " for his labors hitherto." 

We find nothing more about his settlement, until October, when a church 
meeting was held, to consider the matter, at which he was unanimously 
made choice of ; and, at a town meeting, the same day, this action of the 
church was unanimously concurred in. The salary voted him was seventy 
pounds per annum, payable " one half in good passable money, & the rest 
in good merchantable corn, at money price, or in good passable money, & 
the use of all the Parsonage Housing & lands & meadous." 

This offer, though not so large as the one made Mr. Seaver, seems to 
have been satisfactory to Mr. Gardner, as may be seen from the following 
letter, which was read at a town meeting December 11th, and " very well 
accepted " : — 

" To the church and inhabitants of Haverhill. 
Dearly beloved in Christ 

Being informed by your Committee that it is your unanimous desire 
that I should settle with you for the carrying on the work of the ministry 
among you ; and also what you have freely voted to do for my mainten- 
ance : I have taken the matter into consideration, and advised with my 
friends upon it, who universally encourage me to accept the invitation. 
Therefore apprehending that providence docs as it were thrust me forth 
into his harvest, and finding a greater inclination & more encouragment of 
late to enter upon the work than formerly, my thoughts are, I am bound 
in duty to give up myself to the service of Christ in the work of the min- 
istry among you fearing if I should do otherwise God would be displeased 
with me. 

I do therefore hereby declare that I do cheerfully, and that not without 
a sense of my own insufiiciency for so great & solemn a work, endeav- 
ouring to place my entire dependence upon God for direction & assistance 
to carry it on — accept your invitation on the terms you propose. 

Tliaukfully acknowledging your kind acceptance of my labors with you 
hitherto ; likewise your respect & love shown me in your late invitation & 
proposals ; earnestly begging your prayers to God for me that he will abunr 



dantly furnisli me witli all needful qualifications for the wofk I trust he is 
calling me unto ; and that I may come unto you in the fulness of the 
Tblessing of the Gospel of Christ 

I take leave to subscribe myself your brother in Christ 

Joshua Gardner." 

Mr. Gardner was ordained the 10th of January, 1711, the town paying 
all the expenses of the occasion, — amounting to twelve pounds. 

Though the town had not been troubled by the Indians for above two 
■years, yet they did not think it prudent to relax their vigilance, — at 
least, so far as their means of defence were concerned. Their garrisons, 
and houses of refuge, were kept in complete order for occupation at a mo- 
ment's notice, and the parsonage house was repaired and fortiJiecV-' 

A large company of soldiers, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Saltonstall, were also kept constantly armed and equipped, and exercised 
in the town ; and, that these soldiers might be the better prepared for 
every emergency, the General Court (June 19. 1710,) ordered them to be 
supplied with snow shoes. Snow shoes were also supplied to the whole of 
the Xorth Eegiment of Essex. The names of the snow shoe men in Hav- 
erhill, were 

Thomas Whittier, 
John Eaton, 
Joseph Emerson, 
Christopher Bartlett, Jr., 
Joseph Bond, 
Anthony Colby, 
Nathaniel Duston, 
Samuel Dow, 
Ephraim Davis, 
Jonathan Eaton, 
Job Eaton, 
John Ela, 
Peter Green, Sen., 
Ephraim Gile, 
Matthew Harriman, Jr., 
Josiah Heath, Jr., 
John Hutchius, Jr., 
Andrew Michel, 
John Marsh, 

John Page, Jr., 
Nathan Simons, 
John Webster, 
Daniel Lad, Jr., 
Jonathan Eastman, 
Samuel Eobards, 
James Ayer, 
Edward Ordway, 
Elisha Davis. 
"William Davis, 
Abraham AYhittiker, 
Jonathan Simons, 
Eobert Hunkins, 
Joseph Bradley, 
Ephraim Robards, 
John Heath, Jr., 
Benjamin Page, Jr., 
John Shepard, 
Nathaniel Smith, 

Stephen Emerson, 
Stephen Johnson, 
Jonathan Hendrick, 
Samuel Huckins, 
Adum Drapei', 
Eichard Whittier, 
John Watts, 
Stephen Davis, 
Eobert Peasly, 
Joshua Padington, 
Samuel Ayer, 
William Whittakef» 
John Heseltine, 
William Johnson, 
Abraham Bradley, 
Samuel Davis, 
Thomas Johnson, 
John Stevens. 

-" The expense of repairing the parsonage was eleven pounds fourteen shillings and six pence. Among 
the items in the bill we find — Clear white pine boards, at five shillings and eight pence per hundred ; 
plank, at seven shillings per hundred; labor, at three shillings per day; and large board nails at one 
shilling and four pence per hundred. Among the bills of the year, we find one for a barrel of cider for 
the minister, the price of which was five shillings and six pence ; and one for the services of the Town 
Clerk for the past year, ten shillings. 


At the annual meeting for 1711, the Selectmen were ordered to hire a 
Grammar School master, who was " to move quarterly to such places as 
the Selectmen agree to, as shall he most convenient for the inhabitants of 
the town." It seems that no school-master could be found who would move 
quarterly, and after trying for six months to hire one, another meeting was 
called, and a proposition submitted that the town pay a teacher five pounds 
to keep a school one quarter at the school-house. This was voted down 
immediately, — probably by those who lived at a distance from the village, 
and who desired to share with the villagers in the advantages of such a 
school, as will appear hereafter. 

From the bills approved this year, we learn that Obadiah Ayer kept a 
school half a year in 1710, for which he was paid fifteen pound's. He also 
kept this year, the same length of time. It was not, however, what they 
called a Grammar School, as only " reading, writing and cyphering" were 
included in the list of studies. 

Some idea of the extent, as well as location, of the Coio Common, as 
first laid out, may be formed from the following vote of the Commoners, 
April 3, 1711 : — 

" Voted and granted that the Cow Common may be fenced in from the 
Pond Bridge & so by Ephraim Guile's, and as far as the river runs by 
Ejjhraim Eoberts sawmill, and so to Tho Duston's :'-= Those that fence it 
in to set up convenient gates for passage with teams ; one at the Pond 
Bridge, one at Ephraim Guile's, one at Tho Duston's, one gate by Samuel 
Smith's house, another by Stephen Dow's on the "NYid: Bromege's, and 
another, if need be, at the lane by Jonathan Emerson's: This Common to 
be improved by those that fence it in, & not others, for the feeding of cows, 
sheep, & riding horses, & no other cattle, for this year & until the Com- 
moners shall take further order." 

A meeting of the Commoners was called October 15th, to consider about 
making some more stringent regulation in relation to the " transporting of 
timber, staves, and firewood" out of town. The vote of the town, passed 
in 1674, being read, it was declared that it could not well be mended, and 
therefore nothing further was done. 

John Swett, a native of Newbury, was this year appointed ferryman at 
the Piocks ; — hence the name of " Swett's ferry." It is believed that there 
were then no more than two houses at that place ; and, indeed, the whole 
town had increased but very little, if any, in population, during the last 

• That is, the fence followed the stream from the outlet of the Great Pond, around to Tho Duston's,— 
or near the junction of Fishing and Little Rivers. 


thirty years. Strangers would not move into it, on account of the clanger 
arising from the Indian war, and it is probable that those who sickened and 
died, and those who were slain by the enemy, nearly equalled the births. 

The only damage done by the Indians this year, was at Cocheco (Dover) 
in the spring, when five persons were killed. But the constant fear of 
them caused a strong force to be kept in the frontier towns. As late as 
August 27, 1712, a foot company of fifty men was ordered to be raised, 
and posted at Haverhill. 

At the annual meeting for 1712, several persons-'^ applied for an abate- 
ment of their taxes for the ministry, and the school, on account of the great 
distance they lived from the Town, and the difficulty they met with in 
coming. The town voted to abate one half of their ministry rates. 

This year the town was again presented for being destitute of a school- 
master, and on the 12th of May, Nathaniel Haseltine was chosen to appear 
at the Court of General Sessions, held at Salem, to answer it. Nothing 
further was done in this matter until the following March, when the town 
refused to give the Selectmen power to hire a school-master, and thus the 
subject rested until June, when a meeting was called to see what should be 
done about schools in town. 

By a law of 1700, every town of fifty families and upwards was required 
to be coustanly provided with a school-master to teach children to read 
and write ; and every town of one hundred and fifty families was required 
to have a free grammar school, where youth could be instructed "in such 
grammar learning as may fit them for admittance into the college." 

Previous to this time, there had been but one place in town for a school 
-—in the village — and, as a matter of course, those who lived in distant 
parts of the town could have but little benefit from it. That this disad- 
vantage was felt, is seen from the vote, in 1711, — to engage a school-master 
who should " move quarterly." But now the question assumed a more 
definite form. Petitions were received from several of the inhabitants,! 
for a school house in the northwest part of the town, near Job Clements' 
at the town's cost, and a school one quarter of a year, *' that they might 
have the benefit of having their children brought up to learning as well 
as the children of those that live in the center of the Town ; " and also 

^ Henry Bodwell, John Gutterson, Thomas Austin, Joshua Stephens, Robert Swan, John Cross, William 
Cross, Robert Swan, Jr., Joshua Swan. These all lived In that part of the toivn now Methuen. 

t Joseph Emerson, Mathcw Herriman, Jobe Clements, Joseph Heath, John Stephens, Aaron Stephens, 
Ephraim Roberts, Josiah Heath, sen.. Benjamin Emerson, Joseph Johnson, Samuel Worthen, James 
Heath, Thomas Johnson, William Whittiker, John Simons, Josiah Heath. 


from several of the inliabitants in the north-easterly part of the town/"= for 
a school-house and school "near the house of Mr John AVhittier, on the 
common, between the two bridges, & between the house of Danl Ela, and 
the Country road." Both petitions were granted ; and the selectmen were 
ordered to provide a school-master : and a committee was chosen to build 
the school-houses immediately. The latter were to be "20 ft long, 16 ft 
wide, & 8 ft stud, & furnished so as may be comfortable & convenient." 

Mr. Ayer kept the school in the town this summer, and a Mr. Stedman, 
of Cambridge, kept the succeeding fall and winter. 

Hostilities having ceased in Europe early in this year, the Indians again 
expressed a desire for peace, and a treaty was entered into with them at 
Portsmouth, which was attended by delegates from the tribes on the St. 
John, Kennebeck, Ameriscoggin, Saco, and Merrimack, and articles of 
pacification were duly signed July loth, 1713, and were formally con- 
firmed, with loud demonstrations of joy, by a great body of Indians who 
were assembled at Falmouth, waiting the result. Thus was peace once 
more permitted to smile on the New England frontiers. 

By the terms of this treaty, the English were allowed to enter upon 
their former settlements, without molestation or claim on the part of the 
Indians, while to the latter was reserved the right of hunting, fishing and 
fowling, as freely as they enjoyed in 1693 ; and government was to estab- 
lish convenient trading houses for the Indians, where they might obtain 
their supplies without the fraud and extortion which had been practiced 
in former years. f The next spring, a ship was sent to Quebec, to exchange 

Among the town votes of 1713, we find one in which the selectmen and 
constables w^ere ordered " to regulate the conduct of disorderly boys on 
the Sabbath, in the meeting house." From this it is evident that boys 
were — hoys, as long ago, at least, as the time of our great-grand-parents. 

At the annual meeting in 1714, Eobert Swan petitioned for permission 
to keep a ferry near his house, but the town declined to grant the request. 

Another petition was received at this meeting for permission to build a 
"women's pew" in the meeting house. J The place proposed was "the 
hind seat in the women's gallery." The matter was left with the Selectmen. 

■■-' John Sanders, Robert Hastings, Anthony Colbie, Joseph Whittier, James Sanders, Robert Henkins, 
Samuel Currier, John Currier, John Page, Jr., Robert Hastings, Jr., Jonathan Peasly, Benjamin Page, 
Jr., Daniel Ela, Benjamin Page, Sen., Abraham Page, Thomas Johnson, Jr., Joseph Grely, John George, 
John Eleh. 

t Hutchinson estimates that, "from 1675 to 1713, 5 to 6000 of the youth of the country had perished 
by the enemy, or by distempers contracted in the service." 

X The petition was signed by Hannah Simons, Elizabeth Currier, Hannah Eatton, Judith Eatton, 
Mehetable Guile, Ruth Dow, Abigail Du\v, Sarah Johnson, Sarah Ilaseltiuc, Hannah Heath, Sarah Guile. 


A petition was also received for a school -house in the northwesterly part 
of the town, "between Hog-hill and the brick-kill bridge;" but "very 
few if any persons voted for it," and the request was therefore denied.* 

At this meeting, the Selectmen were " desired to seat the negroes in some 
convenient place in the meeting-house, if they can." This appears to have 
been the origin of the "negro pew," in this town; and it is worthy of 
note, that the practice thus inaugurated, continued so long as there were 
negroes in the town, — a period within the memory of many persons now 

In this connection, we give the following synopsis of the history of 
slavery in Massachusetts. We condense it from the reply of Dr. Belknap 
of Boston, to Judge Tucker of Virginia, in 179o.f 

Samuel Maverick resided on Noddle's Island when Winthrop came over 
in 1630. He had a fort and four great guns. John Joselyn, who came to 
New England in 1638, mentions Mr. Maverick's negro tvoman and a 
negro man, and "another negro who was her maid," and that "Mr. 
Maverick was desirous to have a breed of negroes." He understood that 
the negro woman " had been a queen in her own country," ko,. 

The laws enacted between 1630 and 16-il, make mention of servants 
and masters, man-servant, and maid-servant ; in 1 645 mention is made of 
negroes " fraudulently and injuriously taken and brought from Guinea" by 
Captain Smith to Piscataqua. About the same time (1645) a law was 
made " prohibiting the buying and selling of slaves, except those taken in 
lawful war, or reduced to servitude for their crimes by a judicial sentence, 
and these were to have the same privileges as were allowed by the law of 
Moses." In 1649 it was enacted — " If any man stealeth a man or man- 
kind, he shall surely be put to death. Exodus xxi — 16." 

In 1675-6-7 some Indians, who had submitted to the government, 
joined against the English in Phillips war. Those taken in arms, were 
adjudged guilty of rebellion. Some were put to death, but most of them 
were sold into slavery in foreign countries. Some of these latter found 
their way home, and joined with the hostile Indians in a succeeding war, 
in revenge. 

African trade was never prosecuted, in any great degree, by merchants 
of Massachusetts. Negroes were probably introduced via trade with 
Barbadoes. In 1703, a duty of four pounds was laid on every negro 
imported. Not over three shij)S a year ever engaged in the African trade. 

<* The names of the petitioners were — Peter Green, Jotham Hendrick, Nathaniel Peasly, Samuel 
Clements, James Sanders, Peter Green, Jr., John Page, John Eatton, Matthew Herriman, Jr., Joseph 
Peasly, Abraham Page, Henry Sanders. 

t From Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Vol. 4, 194. 


Rum was the main spring of it. Slaves purchased in Africa were cliiefly 
sold in the West Indies, or Southern colonies. When the markets were 
glutted, and prices low, some were brought here. Very few whole cargoes 
ever came. One gentleman remembers only two or three : — One thirty to 
forty years ago, which was mostly children. Ehode Island did much more 
of this than Boston. Some of their vecsels, after selling prime slaves at 
the West Indies, brought the remnant to Boston. Boston is the only 
seaport in Massachusetts ever concerned in the business. About the time 
of the stamp act, the trade declined, and in 1788 was prohibited by law. 

The causes of its declension were, — it required large capitol — was 
hazardous — was never supported by popular opinion — the voice of con- 
science was against it — those engaged in it, in their last hours bitterly 
lamented it — the laboring people complained of the blacks, as intruders — 
the inconsistency of pleading our own rights and liberties, while we 
encouraged the subjugation of others. 

There was never anything like a census before 1763, and it was not then 
very accurate. It was \Qxy unpopular. The second was in 1776; the 
third in 1784. 

In 1763 there were in Mass. 5,214 blacks, or 45 to 1 of population. 
1776 " " 5,249 " '' 65 " 1 " 

1784 " " 4,377 " " 80 " 1 " 

In 1790, (first United States Census) there were in Massachusetts and 
Maine, six thousand blacks and Indians — about two thousand were mixed 
and blacks. Slaves were most numerous previous to 1763. Prince Hall, 
a very intelligent black man, aged fifty-seven years, thinks slaves were 
most numerous about 1745. Boston contained one-fourth part of all of 
them. In country towns, he never heard of more than three or four on a 
farm, except one, which had sixteen, and " it was a distinguished singu- 
larity." They were employed as rope-.makers, anchor-smiths, ship-carpen- 
ters, and in families, as servants. 

Negro children were always reckoned incumbrances, and when weaned, 
were given away like puppies. The negroes were inventoried and taxed 
as ratable property. Some of them purchased their freedom ; and some 
were liberated by their masters. The law was against manumission, un- 
less the master gave bonds for maintenance in case of sickness, or 
decrepitude. Negroes were forbidden to strike a white man, on pain of 
being sold out of the province. If found out after nine o'clock, P. M., 
they were sent to the House of Correction. Inter-marriage was prohibited, 
under severe penalties. 


The controversy al)out slavery began about 17GG, and was warmly con- 
tinued till 1773, by newspaper articles, pamphlets, speeches, &c. The 
Quakers helped the cause along. In 17G7, an attempt was made in the 
legislature to discourage the slave trade, but it failed ; and again, in 1773, 
on petition from the negroes. In 1774, an act was passed by the Assem- 
bly, to prevent importation ; but it was vetoed by Governor Hutchinson. 
After the adoption of the Constitution of 1 780, which declares " all men free 
and equal," many asked for, and obtained their freedom. Some took it 
without leave. Many aged and infirm continued in the families where 
they had lived. In 1781, an indictment was found against a white man 
in Worcester County, for assaulting, beating, and imprisoning a black. 
He was tried in the Supreme Judicial Court, in 1783. His Defence was, 
that the black was his slave, and the beating, &c., were necessary correc- 
tion. The Answer was the foregoing clause of the Constitution. The 
judges and jury decided that he had no right to beat or imprison the negro, 
and he was found guilty and fined forty shillings. This was the death- 
blow to slavery in Massachusetts. 

"We believe that the earliest distinct allusion to " servants " we have 
met with in the records or traditions of this town, is the record of the death 
of " Hopewell, an Indian Servant of John Hutchins," in 1668. The next, 
is found in the account of the remarkable preservation of Eev. Mr. Rolfe's 
children, by his "negro woman," Hagar, in 1708. Hagar " owned the 
covenant, and was baptized," with her children, (two sons and one daugh- 
ter) by Eev. Mr. Grardner, in 1711. In 1709, the house of Colonel 
Eichard Saltonstall was blown up, by " his negro wench," whom he had 
previously "corrected." In 1723, Eev. Mr. Brown had an Indian ser- 
vant, as may be seen from the following entry in his book of church 
records: — " Baptized Phillis an Indian Girl, Servant of John & Joanna 
Brown." In 1728, Mr. Brown baptized " Mariah, negro servant of Eich- 
ard Saltonstall." In 1738, Eev. Mr. Bachellor baptized " Celia, Negro 
child of John Corliss." In 17-10, he baptized "Levi, Negro child of Sam- 
uel Parker." In 1757, he baptized "Dinah, negro child of Samuel 
Haseltine; " and, also, "Lot & Candace, negroes belonging to Eichard and 
Martha Ayer. In 1764, he baptized " Gin, negro Girl of Peter Carleton." 
Mr. Bachellor had himself a negro servant, as we find, in the church book 
of records of the West Parish, under date of March 24, 1785, the follow- 
ing entry among the deaths: — "Xero, servant to ye Revd Mr Bacheller." 
There is a tradition that he had a negro named " Pomp," who is said to 
have dug the well near the old meeting-house. As the story goes, just 
before setting out for an exchange with a distant minister, Mr. Bachellor 


set Pomp at work to dig the well, and gave him positive instructions to 
have it done by the time he returned. Pomp labored diligently, and with 
good success, until he came to a solid ledge. This was too hard for his 
pick and spade, and poor Pomp was greatly perplexed. His " massa " had 
directed him to have the well done when he returned, but how to get 
through the solid rock was more than Pomp could tell. "While in this 
dilemma, a neighbor happened along, who advised that the ledge should 
be blasted with powder, and kindly instructed Pomp how to drill a hole 
for the blast. The latter, much pleased at the prospect of getting his job 
finished in season, worked vigorously at his drill, and soon had a hole nearly 
deep enough, when he suddenly struck through the ledge, and the water 
commenced rushing up through the hole with such force, that he was 
obliged to scramble out of the well as fast as possible, to escape drowning. 
It is said that the well has never been dry since. 

From Eev. Mr. Parker's book of church records, in the East Parish, we 
find that, in 1750, he "baptized Jenny, the Servant child of Joseph & 
Mary Greelee ; " in 1758, " Phillis, the negro child of Ezekiel and Sarah 
Davis;" and, in 1764, "Mercy, the negro child of Seth & Hannah 

From the official census of 1754, we find that there were then in this 
town sixteen slaves, "of sixteen years old and upwards," In 1764, the 
number was twenty-five. 

From a partial file of the town valuation lists, from 1750 to 1800, we 
learn that the following persons in this town owned slaves. It is worthy 
of note, that with the very few exceptions noted, but one negro was owned 
by each person : — 

1753. John Cogswell, John Dimond, Benj Harrod, John Hazzen (2), 
Col Eichd Saltonstall (2) , Wm Swontcn (2) , John Sawyer, Saml White. 
These were all in the First Parish. 

1754. In the East Parish, Joseph Greelee, "Wm Morse, Amos Peaslee, 
Timothy Hardey. 

1755. In the First Parish, John Cogswell. In the West Parish, John 

1759. In the First Parish, Moses Clements, Samuel White, Samuel 
White Esq, Thos West. In the West Parish, Joseph Haynes. 

1761. In the West Parish, Samuel Bacheller, Joseph Haynes. 

1766. In the First Parish, Moses Clements, Nathl Cogswell, James 
McHai'd, SamiieFWhite, Samuel White jun (2), John White. 

1769. In the East Parish, Dudly Tyler. 


1770. In tlie First Parish, Moses Clements, James McHard,"- Samuel 
»Soutlier, Saml White, Saml White jun (2), John White. 

1771. In the First Parish, Jona Webster, Saml Souther, John White, 
Saml White Esq,f James McHard, Moses Clement, Enoch Bartlett. In 
the East Parish, Dudley Tyler. 

1776. In the East Parish, Wm Moors, Dudley Tyler. This is th6 
latest date we find. " negroes," or " servants," entered in the valuation 
lists in the town. 

In one list, the date of which is lost, but which was apparently some- 
where between 1750 and 1 760, we find the following : — Eobert Hutchins, 
Moses Hazzen (2), Eobert Peaslee (2), John Sanders, John Sweat, Saml 
White, Saml White jun, Christ: Bartlett, John Clements, Joseph Harimin, 
Joshua Harimin, Eadmun Hale, Daniel Johnson, Jona Koberds, Wm 

We are informed by Mr. James Davis, that his father, Amos Davis, of 
the East Parish, owned two negToes named Prince and Judith, whom he 
purchased when young, in ISTewburyport. The bill of sale of them is still 
preserved in the family. Prince married a white woman, and, after secur- 
ing his freedom, removed to Sanbornton, N. H., where he has descendants 
still living. Judith remained in the family until her death. 

Deacon Chase, who lived in the edge of Amesbury, not far from 

the Piocks' Village, also owned a negro, named Peter, who is remembered 
by many persons now living. After the death of his master, he passed 
into the posessian of a Mr. Pilsbury, with whom he lived until his death. 
W^illiam Morse, of the East Parish, had a negro servant, named Jenny. 
We also learn of one in the family of Job Tyler in the same Parish. 

From the town records, we learn, that in the month of September, 1714, 
there was a " great fire in the woods, whereby the hay was in general & 
great danger." We persume that a larg"e part of their hay was usually 
stacked in the meadows, where it was cut, until wanted for feeding out in 
the winter, and it was these stacks which were thus endangered. The 
danger was so great, that but few of the inhabitants could leave home to 
attend town meeting, and it was therefore adjourned. 

In the records of this year, (1714) we find the first allusion to Stocks, 
in the form of an item in a bill : — " iron for the Stocks, 3s. 10." Judging 
from the cost of the iron they were either the fii-st Stocks in town, or, at 
any rate, neio ones. 

'^ The name of this negro was "Jenny." — Tradition. 

■]■ At a town meeting, September 22, 1793, a committee was chosen to assist " Salem, a black man, late 
a servant of Samuel White," who had become chargeable to the town. Many now living remember " Old 
Salem," who lived on the bank of the river, nearly opposite the foot of Kent Street. 

244 HISTORY OF havehhili,. 

In October, the bounds of tlie town were renewed, by Samuel Danfottli, 
a son of the person who first surveyed them. The following is his report 
to the General Court : — 

" Oct. 25, 1714. At the request of the Selectmen of Haverhill to renew 
the bounds of their town : I began at Merrimack Eiver upon Denisens 
where it v/as asserted by Lieut Stephen Barker & Eobert Swan, and Henry 
Bodwell of an old marked tree, & run north by a line of marked trees & 
heaps of stones to the north angle of the town, which was a great heap of 
stones ; This line we renewed well : then I run southeast by a line of 
marked trees to the eastward side of Cedar Swamp ; & this line we renewed 
until we came to a white oak tree marked with the letter X : and another 
tree marked H : and we found several of the trees on both lines marked 
with the letter H. Then I began at Holt's Eock's at Merrimac Eiver & 
run northwest until I met with the line I left on the eastward side of Cedar 
Swamp : and I found one great pillar of stones upon the line near the old 
Dam. I find these two lines according to the return that my honord 
father made to the General Court ; and the Selectmen and several others 
assisted me in said work. 

Samuel Danforth Surveyor." 

Though highway surveyors had been regularly chosen by the town, 
since 1693, and had been appointed by the Selectmen for many years 
previous to that time, yet we find no record or hint that money had been 
expended by them, or work done, except upon three or fovir bridges, until 
the year 1715, when " Jotham Hendrick, surveyor," was allowed six 
shillings for " mending the highway." As the smallest matters of town 
expense were recorded, we are confident that if any work or money had 
been expended upon the roads previous to this time, the x'ecords would 
surely contain some hint of the fact. As they do not, we feel safe in saying 
that the town did not, as such, expend a penny, or a day's labor, upon its 
roads, except for bridges, during the first seventy five years of its settlement ! 
Subsequent to this date, highway expenses are regularly mentioned. 

At the annual meeting in 1715, the town voted that Mr. Gardner might 
have a weekly contribution if he desired it, so that he might have some 
money " before the town rate was raised for him." At the next annual 
meeting (1715—16) a committee was chosen to join with him in leasing the 
Parsonage farm for twenty years, " if he live so long." Two weeks after- 
ward, Ml-. Gardner was dead, and a town meeting was held (March 28) 
to see abovit finding some one to take his place. 

Mr. Barnard, his second successor, in a sermon, thus speaks of him : — 
" Mr. Gardner, who is warm in the hearts of a few of you to this day, was 


soon ripe for heaven, according to tlie account wliicli was handed down of 
him. He was not suiFered to remain long "by reason of death. Neither 
prayers nor tears could detain him from his inheritance above. In a few 
years he finished his coiirse with joy." 

The following epitaph is taken from the simple monument raised to his 
memory : — 

•' Rev. Joshua Gardner died March 21, 1715, a man good betimes and 
full of the Holy Ghost and faith, of an excellent temper, of great integrity, 
prudence and courage — pastor of the church in Haverhill five years — who, 
having faithfully improved his talents, fell asleep in Jesus, and went 
triumphantly to receive his reward in heaven,^'' 

After his death, the town voted to pay the expenses of his funeral, which 
amounted to thirty-four pounds nine shillings and six pence.-"' 

A petition was this year presented to the town, signed by thirty of the 
inhabitants, desiring that the obstruction in Merrie's Creek, and the Fish- 
ing, or Little Kiver, might be removed, " so that a free passage for the 
fish might be obtained." The petition was granted. 

From the records of the same year, we learn, that the " Town's old book 
of grants and orders" was lost, and a committee was chosen to see if they 
could find it. From the bill presented by the committee the next year, it 
appears that they spent three days each in the business ; that Captain 
AYhite, the Town Clerk, attended on the committee two days ; and that 
James Sanders made one journey to Salem to enquire after it, and another 
journey to " Sandige " to "enquire after and bring home the old town 
books." The whole expenses were four pounds, sixteen shillings. The 
books were ordered to be delivered to the Town Clerk. The town had 
once before refused to allow these books to be kept by that officer, but hav- 
ing thus narrowly escaped a total loss, they wisely concluded they would 
be safest in his hands. 

After the death of Mr. Gardner, the pulpit was occupied by various 
ministers, among whom was Mr. Jonathan Gushing, and Mr. Eobert Stan- 
ton. At a church meeting, held July 27th, 1716, to choose a minister, 
Mr. Gushing received twenty out of thirty-five votes ; and at a town meet- 
ing, the same day, he received one hundred and two out of one hundred 
and thirty-six votes. f The town then voted to offer him the same that 
they had paid Mr. Gardner. 

° William White made a journey to Boston to get supplies for the funeral. Among the items of ex- 
pense, was " one bbl cyder." Joshua Gardner, married Mercy Tike, November 22, 1711. Children, — 
Samuel, DeccmbcrO, 1713; Nathaniel, August 27, 1715. 

f"As our anccstors_were always out in full force upon all such occasions, the above, we think, is very 
near the full number of church members and voters in the town at this time. 

246 HISTORY OF hateriiill. 

It seems, however, tliat the minority, who had all voted for Mr. Stanton, 
were not merely in favor of the latter, but were opposed to Mr. Gushing ; 
and, N"ovemher 28th, a meeting was called to hear the report of the com- 
mittee chosen to treat with Mr. Gushing, and " to hear what those persons 
have to allege against his settling here that are uneasy under his min- 

The result was, that a Committee was chosen to consult the Rev. Mr. 
Leverett and Eev. Mr. Brattle, of Gambridge, as to the best course to be 
pursued. According to their advice a Committee was chosen to treat with 
a Mr. Fiskc, who had preached in town several times since the death of 
Mr. Gardner. But it seems that they could not unite peaceably upon Mr. 
Fiske, and recourse was again had to Cambridge for advice. 

January 22d a meeting was called "to hear the advice of the Eev. Mr. 
Leverett, & Mr. Brattle." The record does not say what their further 
advice was, but from the following, which was the first vote passed at the 
meeting, we presume they recommended a day of fasting and prayer : — 

" Voted that the Eevd Mr Moody, Mr Parson, Mr Wise of Chebacco, 
Mr Wells, Mr Tappin, & Mr White be desired with the Eevd Mr Barnard, 
Mr Gushing, Mr Symes, & Mr Tufts, in keeping a day of humiliation, to 
seek for wisdom of heaven in our great affairs, on Wednesday the sixth day 
of February next." 

A Committee was chosen to invite the above named ministers, and receive 
their advice in the matter, and also to make provision for their entertain- 
ment on the day of the Fast. 

The result of the fast, was, that the Eev. Josej^h Parsons, of Lebanon, 
was selected by the church for their minister. 

The church having made choice of Mr. Parsons, a meeting of the town 
was called. May 28, to consider the matter. As " a great many peojole 
were unsatisfied about his leaving his church" at Lebanon,* several papers 
were read in the town meeting ; among them the determination of a Council 
accjuitting him " from crimes laid to his charge," and declaring their 
approbation of his removal. The town voted that they were satisfied, and, 
by a vote of sixty-five to forty-eight, chose him to settle here as minister, 
offering him a salary of one hundred pounds, besides the use of the Parsonage 
lands and buildings. The minority, however, were so strongly opposed to 
his settlement, that, at a meeting called in the following August, (13th) 
the town, with but one dissenting voice, reconsidered the vote. 

October 30, a meeting was called, " to forgive all past ofi'ences that have 
been given among us, concerning the settlement of a minister, and agi'ee in 

** Mr. Parsons was aow preaching iu HaverhiJl. 


love and peace to consider & agree upon a suitable person to carry on 
the work of the ministry among us." The moderator, Ephraim Eoberts, 
proposed that all who wished to signify " their desires for peace and love 
one towards another, & for the sending for a minister to preach with us," 
should move to the east end of the meeting-house. They all moved to the 
east eiid, except three or four persons. The meeting then adjourned. 

Another meeting was held November 12, but, after " considerable dis- 
course" it adjourned without accomplishing anything, and the year closed 
without the settlement of a minister in the town. 

Sunday, October 21, 1716, was what is called "a dark day." It was 
so dark that candles were lighted at noon. Stephen Jaques, of Newbury, 
in his diary, says : — 

" On the sabath day about eleven of the clock in sarman time it grue so 
dark that one could not see a parson from one end of the metting hous to 
(he other except it was against a window, nor could know another four 
seats off, nor read a word in a psalm book. It continued near half an 
hour. Sum ministers sent for candels, sum set still, till it was lighter. 
Sum was ready to think the world was at an end ; all seemed to be con- 
sarned. It was a time when ye air was very full of smoke. It came 
dayly down when it was a south west wind, the wind being now as I re- 
member at est, which might bring ye smoak back, & dark clouds pass over, 
as it being cloudy weather. I was an eie witness of this myself." 

The winter of 1716-17, is memorable for the unusual quantity of snow 
that fell between the 18th and the 24th of February. In these storms, 
the earth was covered with snow from ten to fifteen feet, and, in some 
places, even twenty feet deep. Many one story houses were entirely cov- 
ered, and, in many places, paths were dug from house to house, under the 
snow. Visits were made from place to place by means of snow shoes, — 
the wearers, in many cases, stepping out of their chamber windows on to 
the snow. In this manner, one Abraham Pierce, of Newbury, paid a visit 
to his " ladye love," and was the first person the family liad seen abroad 
for more than a week. Cotton Mather has left a particular account of this 
" great snow," and the many marvels and prodigies attending it. 

The town were yet without a settled minister, and, at one time, it 
seemed doubtful whether they would very soon be able to unite upon any 
one to settle among them. But the cloud of dissention at last blew over, 
and at a meeting held early in February, 1718, " Mr Samuel Chickley- " 
was unanimously made choice of for their minister. Two months after- 
ward, (April 23) he received a formal call from the town, accompanied 

° Checkley. 


with the offer of one hundred pounds salary, and the use of all the Par- 
sonage land east of sawmill river/-' For reasons not given, Mr. Checkley 
declined the offer. 

The successor of Mr. Checkley, as occasional minister, or candidate for 
settlement, was Mr. John Brown, of Little Cambridge, (now Brighton) who 
pleased the people so well, that in October they unanimously invited him 
to settle among them, and offered him the same salary that they had 
previously voted to give Mr. Checkley. Mr. Brown accepted the invita- 
tion, and was ordained on the 13th of the next May, (1719.) 

Mr. Brown graduated at Cambridge, in 1714. He married Joanna 
Cotton, daughter of Eev. Eowland Cotton, of Sandwich, an " eminently 
pious and worthy Lady." They had ten children, six sons and four 
daughters. Four of the sons were all educated at Cambridge. John 
graduated in 1741, and was ordained in Cohasset. He died 1792, aged 
sixty-nine. Cotton graduated in 1743, was ordained at Brookline, on 
26th of October, 1748, and died 13th of April, 1751. Dr. Cooper notices 
him as one who "had raised in his friends the fairest hopes, and given 
them just reason to expect in him one of the brightest ornaments of society, 
and a peculiar blessing to the church." Ward graduated in 1748, and 
died the same year. Thomas graduated in 1752, and was a minister at 
Stroudwater. He died in 1797. His eldest daughter married John 
Chipman, Esq., of Marblehead; another, a Mr. Dana, of Brookline, and 
a third Kev. Edward Brooks, of Medford, formerly minister at North 

The ferry, established in 1711, at Holt's Eocks, and kept by John 
Swett, was this year (1718) granted by the General Court to Haverhill 
and Newbury for the term of forty years. In answer to Mr. Swett's peti- 
tion, this town granted him all its right in the ferry, if he would engage 
to carry the inhabitants over the river " for a penny a single person and 
four pence for a man and horse." 

"We notice that, with the exception of two years, the bounty of twenty 
shillings on wolves had been annually voted up to this time. The num- 
ber of these troublesome animals in the vicinity may be judged from the 
fact that in 1716, five full-grown ones were killed in town. The bounty 
was continued for many years after this time. 

'^ The reason given for not including the parsonage land west of the above river, was, — " not knowing 
but what the}' may in some convenient time settle another minister there." 

t The following is from the Town Records : — John Brown, m Joanna Cotton. Ch. — Elizabeth, 

Oct 26, 1721; Martha Feb 6, 1723, d Oct 5, 1736; John, Mar 9, 172-1; Nathaniel, Sep 20, 1725, d. Oct 

21, 1736; Cotton, Jan 21, 1726; Ward, July 19, 1728; Meriel, July 5, 1730; Abigail, ; Thomas, 

May 17, 1734; Samuel, Sep 17, 1736, d Nov 8, 1736; The Rev. John Brown, died Dec. 2,1742. "Phillis, 
an Indian servant" of Mr. Brown's, d Apl 22, 1729. 


The first mention we find of a deacon in town, is in the records of 1717. 
when " Deacon John Haseltiue " was chosen moderator of one of the meet- 
ings about a minister. A few weeks later, we find " Deacon White " 
(John) among the names. These two, then, were undoubtedl}^ the active 
church deacons at this time. Deacon Hascltinc was mocleratoi of all the 
meetings called to see about a minister at this period, but not of other 
town meetings. Deacon White's seems to have been the usual stopping 
place for those who supplied the pulpit while there was no settled minister 
in town. The celebrated George Whitefield, who visited the town twice 
during his well known labors in the vicinity, was. on both occnsinns, the 
guest of Deacon Vv'hite. Whitefield did not preach in town on his first 
visit, as strong objections were made to allowing him the use of the meet- 
ing-house ; but, on his second visit, he preached to a large cougTegation of 
people in the open air, opposite the Deacon's house, on Ivlili- Strcei. So 
strong was the prejudice against AVhitefield, that the authorities of the 
town, hearing that he was to preach, sent him a warning to depart out of 
the town. Instead of comph'ing with their request, he read their letter 
at the close of his afternoon discourse, and observing "Poor souls! they 
shall have another sermon," proceeded to give notice that he should preach 
at the same place, at sunrise, the next morning. He kept his word, and 
addressed a large audience. 

The following brief notice of the first settlement of Londonderry may 
not be considered inappropriate in this place, for reasons which will after- 
ward appear. 

On the l-ith of August, 1713, there arrived in Boston five ship-loads 
of emigrants from the north of Ireland.^-' They were descendants of a 
colony which went from Argyleshire, in Scotland, about the middle of the 
seventeeth century. They were rigid Presbyterians, and fled from Scot- 
land to avoid the persecutions o'f Charles I. Soon after their arrival in 
New England, they petitioned the Assembly for a grant of land, and ob- 
tained liberty to make a settlement of twelve miles square in any of the 
unappropriated lands to the eastward. Twenty families of them sailed 
for Casco, where they remained until spring, when, not finding land which 
pleased them, most of them embarked for the ]\Ierrimack. They reached 
Haverhill April 2d, and while here, hearing of a fine tract of land about 
fifteen miles distant, called Nutjield, from the abundance of chesnut, but^ 
ternut, and walnut trees, which distinguished its forests, the men left their 

* There were one hundred and twenty families in all. 


250 nisTOKY or haverhill. 

families in Haverliill, and -went to view Xutfield. Being well pleased with 
the location, and finding it unappropriated, they concluded to take it up. 
Having selected a spot, and built a few huts, they returned for their fami- 
lies, with whom they finally arrived at Nutfield April 11, 0. S., 1719. 
There were sixteen families of them. In 1720, they purchased the Indian 
title, and, although it was long a frontier town, they were never molested 
by the Indians. In 1722 their settlement was incorporated by the name 
of Londonderry, — from a city in the north of Ireland, near which they 
had formerly resided. 

These settlers introduced the culture of the potato, — a vegetable till then 
unknown in New England, — and also the manufacture of linen cloth." 

Potatoes were first raised in the garden of Mr. Nathaniel "Walker, of 
Andover, and gradually, but very slowly, found their way into general 
cultivation. They are first mentioned in Newbury, iu 1732; in Lynn, 
1733; in 1737, Eev. Thomas Smith, of Portland, says " thei-e is not a 
peck of potatoes in the whole eastern country." . So late as 1750, if any 
person raised so large a quantity as five bushels, great was the inquiry 
among his neighbors as to how he could dispose of the enormous quantity. 
They were first planted in this town by William White, who raised four 
bushels ; but he knew not how to make use of so large a quantity, and 
gave many of them to his neighbors. 

Eev. Mr. Parker, in his History of Londonderry, gives the following 
interesting account of their first cultivation in Andover : — 

"Previous to a permanent settlement at Londonderry, some of these 
people resided a few months at Andover, Mass., and on taking their depar- 
ture, a few potatoes were left with one of the families there, for seed. 
The potatoes wei-e accordingly planted ; came up, and flourished well ; 
blossomed and produced balls, which the family supposed were the fruit 
to be eaten. They cooked the balls in various ways, but could not make 
them palatable, and pronounced them unfit for food. The next spring, 
while ploughing their garden, the plough turned out some of the potatoes, 
of great size, and thus discovered to them their previous mistake." 

At the annual meeting of this town, in 1719, it was voted "to make all 
the inhabitants of this Town proprietors in Common lands according to the 
charges they have borne in the town in the time of the war ; " and a com- 
mittee was chosen "to examine what every man paid to the rates in the 
time of the war in this town." We do not learn that this proposition was 
finally carried out. 

« Belknap, Hist. N. H. 


The proceedings of the " Commoners," in holding separate meetings, 
and taking the management of the common lands into their own hands, 
was not entirely satisfactory to all the inhabitants, and, early in June, 
1719, "upwards of twenty of the Inhabitants & Freeholders" petitioned 
the selectmen to call a town meeting " to prevent the disposing of any 
more of the common-lands belonging to said Town by a few men contrary 
to a former vote of said Town ; " and also, " to choose a committee to pros- 
ecute any that have or shall encroach upon any of the lands, at the Town's 
cost." The selectmen refused to call such a meeting, and a warrant was 
thereupon issued by " Joseph Woodbridge Ju.stice of the Peace." 

Nothing was done at the meeting thus called, except the dismissal 
of all committees previously chosen by the town, and the choice of a new 
committee, to prosecute encroachers upon the common lands of the town. 
From these proceedings, it will be seen, that the non-commoners were deter- 
mined to try their strength with the commoners, and the consequence was 
that the town soon became the seat of warm contentions, and disputes. 
At the time of the last named meeting, the feeling ran so high, that the 
commoners were refused the key of the meeting-house, and after organizing 
their meeting at its door, they adjourned to the tavern of James Pecker, 
where several subsequent meetings were also convened. 

In July of this year, Stephen Barker, Henry Bodwell, and others, peti- 
tioned the town '* to grant or set them off a certain tract of land lying in 
the township of Haverhill that so they might be a township or parish," 
but their request was denied.* 

At the next March meeting, the following petition was presented : — 

" Whereas there is a certain tract of land in the West end of Haverhill 
containing Fifty or Sixty acres, lying on the south and south west of a 
Meadow commonly called bare meadow, which land, together with a piece 
of land lying on a hill called meetinghouse hill, in times past reserved by 
our forefathers for the use of the ministry, might in hard times make a 
convenient Parsonage ; if by the blessing of God, the gospel might so 
flourish amongst us, and we grow so populous, as to be able to maintain 
and carry on the gospel ministry amongst us. 

We therefore humbly pray that you would take into consideration the 
circumstances we are in, & the difficulty we may hereafter meet with in 
procuring a privilege for the ministry ; and that you would grant, & settle 
& record the above said lands in your Town book, for the above said use, 

- o The petitioners lived in that part of the town now Methuen. 


& you will gratify your humble pctitiouers and oblige us & our posterity 

to serve you hereafter in what we may. 

Joshua Swan, Thos Johnson, Thos AVhittier, 

Henry Bodwell, Edwd Carleton, Ephraim Clark, 

Heniy Bodwell jun, Saml Hutchins, Thos ^ hittier sen, 

Diinl Bodwell, Elisha Davis, , Mathw Harriman, 

Jas Bodwell, John Hastings, Saml Smith, 

Thos Massar, John Gutterson, Saml Currier, 

James Davis, John Lad, Jona Clark, 

Ablall Masser, James Sanders jun, Stephen Barker, 

Henry Sanders, Wm Whittier, John Sanders." 

" This petition was granted according to the proposals therein made,"^ 
and in July a committee was chosen to lay out the land. 

This spring (1720) the dispute between the commoners and non-com- 
moners again came up for consideration, and at the annual meeting, the 
town unanimously voted to make the following proposal to the commoners : 

" That the inhabitants or non-commoners so called, should have their 
right in all the Common or undivided lands in said Haverhill, lying on 
the West side of the way from William Johnson's to Jonathan Cloughs, in 
proportion with the Commoners according to the rates & taxes they have 
borne from the year 16D4 to the year 1714." 

*' Nathan Webster was chosen to prefer this request to the Commoners 
or Proprietors of the Common land in Haverhill." 

At an adjourned meeting, May 29, "The Commoners answer to the 
Town's proposal was brought into the Town meeting & read ; and the Com- 
moners therein signify to the Town that they can't see reason to grant 
their proposals at present." 

Upon this, the non-commoners appear to have decided to do as they 
pleased with the lands in dispute, as the very first vote at the next meeting, 
was, to '• sell some common-land to pay the Towns debts or charges ; " 
and the second was as follows: — " Voted and granted that that tract of 
land lying beyond Hoghill mill that lyeth within our Township not intrud- 
ing on the fourth division land shall be laid out to those men that have 
been out in long marches in the time of the war, and to others of the 
inhabitants of this Town, that will make speedy settlement on the same." 

A committee of five was chosen to lay it out forthwith, in fifty acre lots. 

At the July meeting, Ann Pecker petitioned for liberty to build a small 
pew in the meeting-house, " as through my infirmity and weakness, by 
reason of my age I cannot sit comfortably in the meetinghouse, during the 
time of divine service, the seat being so very narrow." Her request was 


granted, and also one from Bicliard Hazzen, who preferred a similar request, 
as he had "no place to sit but upon cour^^sy of Mr Eastman or crowding 
into some fore seat, too honorable for me. " 

Samuel Haseltine was granted a piece of common-land, for his work in 
" enlarging the galleries of the meeting-house ; " and various other grants 
and sales of common-land were also made at the same meeting. The town 
seem to have renewed the business of disposing of these surplus lands in 
good earnest. At the next meeting they voted to " defend the land that 
they have sold or shall sell," and also to " bear all the charges that any 
man or men shall be put to, to defend the land that he hath bought or 
shall buy of the Town, by any suits in law until the title of said land 
shall be tried out." 

In October, a meeting was held to see about the town's proportion of the 
£50,000 " Bank money " granted by the Great and General Court in 1720. 
Trustees were appointed to receive it, and were directed to let it out to 
individuals, inhabitants of Haverhill, in sums of £10 to £20, at five per 
cent, interest, payable annually. 

This 3'ear, there was a new " seating of persons in the meeting-house." 
The magnitude of the undertaking may be judged from the fact that it 
took the committee four days to do the job. As before, a second committee 
were appointed to assign seats for the first committee. 

At an adjourned meeting, December 11th, the following important action 
was taken in relation to«the common lands in town : — 

" Voted and gi'antcd that the common laud in Haverhill except the Cow 
common and the land beyond Hoghill mill, shall be laid out into rate lots, 
according to the Charges or Eates that every person in this town has paid 
from the year 1692 to 1712, except those persons that removed out of the 
Town in the time of the war ; & excepting some land to make good old 
grants, if any do appear to be justly due from the Town." 

" Voted and granted that every five pounds that has been paid in public 
charges or rates in this Town by any persons within the time abc v'e men- 
tioned, shall draw one acre of laud in the rate lots ; and so propoi I ionably 
according to what sum they have paid within the time above prefi ced." 

A committee was chosen to take an account of the rates paid during the 
years specified, and also one to lay out the land according to the abo\'e votes. 

During, this time the commoners wei'e not by any means idl ■. At a 
meeting in January, (Jan. 2, 1721) Samuel AVhite and AVilliaia AVhite 
were granted permission to set up a grist-mill and fulling-mill on Sawmill 
Eiver. The reason given for desiring to move their mill from Mill Brook 
to the above place, was, — the scarcity of water during a part of the year 
at Mill Brook. 


At the same meeting, a fifth division of land was ordered, which was to 
include all the undivided lands in town, except the cow-common. 

At a meeting in February, " the island or islands just above Spicket 
Falls " were sold to Asa and Richard Swan, for £2, 10 s. 

At a meeting in June, the following interesting petition was presented : — 
" HaverhillJune 26, 1721: 

To ye commoners or proprietors of ye common lands in Haverhill : 
Ye petition of Ebenezer Eastman of ye sd Town humbly sheweth yt for as 
much as Trading by sea is one way whereby I expect to gett my living 
and furnish out my good neighbors wth many such nessisarys of life as 
are most conveniant, and ye Incouragment of shipping being of very great 
consequence and a great Interest to this Town as well as my own, I would 
humbly request yt I may have liberty to erect a wharff some what above 
ye house where I now dwell yt soe navigation may be promoted, and yt 
Thereby ye whole Town of Haverhill as well as my self may receive an 
Annuall Income Thereby and you Infinitely oblige your humble petitioner 

Ebenezer Eastman." 

Ebenezer, son of Phillip Eastman, was born in Haverhill, February 17, 
1681. His father was the person already mentioned as having been taken 
captive at the same time with the wife and children of Thomas Kimball, 
of Bradford ; and whose house and buildings were burned by the Indians, 
in 1698. 

From his youth, Ebenezer had been inured to hardship. At the age of 
twenty-one he joined the regiment of Colonel Wainwright in the expedition 
against Port Royal. In 1711, when the British fleet, under Admiral 
Walker, destined against Canada, arrived at Boston, Eastman, then about 
thirty years of age, had command of a company of infantry, which 
embarked with others in one of the transports. 

In going up the river St. Lawrence, they encountered a violent north- 
east storm, in which eight or nine of the transports were wrecked and 
about one thousand men lost.* 

The following anecdote is related of Captain Eastman : — As night 
came on, the orders were that all the transports should follow the admiral's 
ship, which had a large light hoisted at mast-head for a signal. Captain 
Eastman was somewhat acquainted with the navigation of the river, having 
sailed up and down before. In the night, the light of the admiral's ship 
Avas not to be seen, and at the time when the fleet were doubling a very 
dangerous and rocky point. When the admiral's ship had fairly doubled 

•» Holmes' Am. Aunals. 


tte point and got into line, the light appeared in such a position as to 
draw the line of ships directly on to that dangerous point. Aware of the 
danger, Captain Eastman went to the commander, informed him of the peril, 
and begged him to alter the course of the vessel ; but, being then under 
the influence of liquor, the Captain positively refused to do so, saying he 
" would follow his admiral if he went to h — 1." " Well," said Captain 
Eastman, " I have no notion of going there, and if you wont alter the 
course of the vessel, I wilV " If you do," replied the Captain, "your 
head shall be a button for a halter the next morning." Informing his 
company of their danger, and relying on their support. Captain Eastman 
ordered the Captain below, and the helmsman to change his course. Thus 
they escaped the wreck which befel other vessels of the fleet. The next 
morning, the humbled Captain on his knees acknowledged his deliverer 
and begged liis friendship. On the following day, the admiral came on 
board, and on seeing Captain Eastman, abruptly asked : "Captain East- 
man, where were you when the fleet was cast away? " " Following my 
admiral," replied he. " Following your admiral ! " he exclaimed; "you 
Yankees are a pack of praying devils — you saved yourselves but sent my 
men to h — I."--' 

Soon after his return, Eastman entered with zeal into the projected set- 
tlement of Penacook, and was one of its most influential, persevering and 
useful citizens. He married, March 4, 1710, Sarah Peaslee, of Haverhill, 
daughter of Colonel Kathariel Peaslee. 

Among the many traditionary anecdotes, it is related that soon after 
settling in Penacook, Eastman made a journey to Haverhill, on horse-back, 
purchased a barrel of molasses, and contriving what was called a car, — 
formed with two shafts, one end of which was fastened to the horse and 
the other dragged on the ground — lashed on his barrel Of molasses, and 
proceeded on his journey homeward, along the path through the wilderness. 
He got along very well until he came to the Soucook Paver. After crossing, 
the hill was very steep, and the horse would frequently stop to rest a few 
moments. Having nearly reached the top of the hill, the rigging gave 
way, down went his barrel of molasses at full speed, and, striking a tree, 
was dashed in pieces. "Oh dear!" exclaimed the Captain, " my wife 
will comb my head — yes, and harrow it too ! "f 

Captain Eastman went to Cape Breton twice — the first time, March 1 , 
1745, in command of a company, and was present at the reduction and 
surrender of Louisburg, Juno 16th. He returned November 10, 1745. 
E«rly the next year he went again, and returned home July 9, 1746. He 

" Bonton'g Hist. Concord. t Bouton, 


died July 28, 1748, and his descendants are to ttis day among the most 
prominent and influential citizens of Concord. 

This petition of Captain Eastman, is the first mention we can find of 
the commerce of Haverhill, or " trading by sea ; " though it hardly seems 
probable that he was the pioneer in that direction. And yet, there are 
strong reasons for believing that he was the first who made it a business. 
The sugar and wine, for ^lv. Grardner's ordination, were brought from 
Boston, on horseback, by Deacon White ; the lime for plastering the par- 
sonage house, in 1719, was hauled from JN^ewbury, by oxen ; and the nails 
for the watch-house were brouglit from Ipswich, on horseback. These 
small matters, and many similar that might be mentioned, taken in con- 
nection with the silence of the records', in regard to the navigation of 
the iNlerrimack, favor the supposition, that, up to this time, but little use 
had been made of the river for commercial purposes. 

The lots in the fifth division of land, were drawn November 20th, 1721, 
and, as showing who, or rather whose representatives, were the commoners 
at this time, the list is well worth inserting in this place: — 
" The first lot to Jno Ayer 27 — Jno Dow purchased from mr 

2 — Mr ciemens. Executors Coffins Eight 

3 — Mr Joseph Jewitt 28 — peter Ayer 

4 — Jno page 29 — Richard Singletery 

5 — Thomas Davis 30 — Jno Ayer 

6 — Jno Williams sen. 31 — Jno Hutchins 

7 — Eobert Ayer 32 — wm Simons on the Eight of Jno 

8 — ^^James Davis jun Davis 

9— Tho Whittier 33— Eob Swan 

10 — John Johnson 34 — Jno chenary 

11 — Thomas Sleeper 35 — proprietors 

12 — Henry palmer 36 — Eichd littlehale 

13_Willm Holdridg 37— Tho Eatton 

14 — Stephen Kent 38^To nathll Ayer on his father Jno 

15 — proprietors ' Ayers Eight 

16— Samll Guile 39— Edward dark 

17 — To Eobt clement or Jno clemt 40 — Danll lad 

Eight 41— -James Davis sen 

18 — Greorg Brown 42 — James fisk 

19 — Matthais Button 43 — Georg Corliss 

20— Danll Hendrick 44— John Eatton 

21 — proprietors 45 — Bartholl Heath 

22 — obadiah Ayer on his father Jno 46 — Theophiias Satchesell 

Ayers Eight 47 — proprietors 

23 — Wm'white 48 — hew shcrratt 

24— Tho linforth 49— Abraham Tyler 

25 — Mr Jno Ward 50 — To James pressess Eight." 

26 — Joseph peasly 


The fact that all these names, except seven/" are to he found in the 
records within three years from the date of the Indian deed, and before the 
town was incorporated, shows most clearly who were at this time, consid- 
ered to he the proprietors of the undivided lands in the town. They were 
the heirs and assigns of the original purchasers. Those to whom lands 
had been granted since that time, were considered to have no further rights 
than had been granted them. That is, they could only claim the amount of 
land that the proprietors had specifically granted them. " The inhabitants 
of Pentucket," — their ancestors, — had purchased every foot of the ter- 
ritory covered by the Indian deed, and their heirs and assigns were 
therefore the sole proprietors of it. Grants and sales made subsequent to 
the original purchase, by the proprietors as a body, did not include an in- 
terest in the remaining undivided lands, but only affected the title to the 
particular lands thus alienated. This seems to us be the position taken 
by the " commoners," or "proprietors," at this time. 

The " ??o?z-commoners," or " legal voters " in the town, on the other 
hand, seem to have taken the ground, that the territory having been origin- 
ally granted to the inhabitants of the town generally, all the common or 
undivided lands remaining at any time, belonged to all who were legal i^i- 
hahitants, or voters, at the time the town should please to dispose of them. 
It mattered not whether one had been an inhabitant, or legal voter, one 
day or fifty years ; it was sufficient if he was entitled to vote in town affairs 
at the time the disposal of the undivided lands came up for consideration. 
If he was so entitled, he had an equal interest, or proprietorship, in such 
lands, with each and every other inhabitant of the town at the time. 

These widely different and opposing conclusions, furnish a key to the 
long, and, at times, warm controversy, carried on concerning the undivided 
lands in the town. 

The loss of the town's books, which we have before noticed, is doubtless 
to be accounted for by this controversy. When the books were finally 
recovered, it seems that they were in a mutilated state, and caused a great 
deal of trouble in the copying. At the annual meeting in 1721, it was 
voted " that there shall be a committee chosen to prefer a petition to the 
General Court for redress, in behalf of the damage that the town sustained 
by the town-books being part of them cut and torn out." That is, they 
desired to know how they could obtain redress for the injury done to the 

o Joseph Jewitt, Thomas Whittier, John Johnson, Thomas Sleeper, Thomas Linforth, Thomas Eatton, 
James Pressey. 



Perhaps we cannot better close this chapter, than by giving a brief ac- 
count of the introduction of tea into New England, which occurred about 
this time.'-' 

The first tea-kettles were small copper articles, and were first used in 
Plymouth, in 1702, though, for a long time afterward, tea was but little 
used. The first cast iron tea-kettles, were made in Plympton, now Carver, 
between 17G0 and 1765, and it was about this period that the use of tea 
became common. Lewis, in his History of Lynn, says, — " when ladies 
went to visiting parties, each one carried her tea-cup, saucer and spoon. 
The tea-cups were of the best china, very small, containing as much as a 
common wine-glass." 

From a letter written in England, in 1740, we copy the following ex- 
tractf : — 

" They are not much esteemed now that will not treat high & gossip 
about. Tea is now become the darling of our women. Almost every 
little tradesman's wife must set sipping tea for an hour or more in the 
morning, and it may be again in the afternoon, if they can get it, and 
nothing will please them to sip it out of but china ware, if they can get 
it. They talk of bestowing thirty or forty shillings upon a tea equipage, 
as they call it. There is the silver spoons, silver tongs, and many other 
trinkets that I cannot name." 

We are unable to say when tea was first introduced into this town, but 
it was probably soon after its introduction into Boston, as our people were 
in frequent communication with that place, and have never been far be- 
hind them in the adoption of new fashions. There is a tradition, that a 
Mr. Grile, of this town, had a present sent to him, from Boston,' of one 
pound of tea. His good wife knew not exactly how to make it, but she 
concluded to hang on her dinner-pot, and cook it in that. The dinner-pot 
was hung over the fire, partly filled with water, and the whole pound was 
put into it. But to make it more luscious, the good lady put in a large 
piece of beef, for she intended to have a real dish of tea, — we presume 
that she had heard of the old proverb, " the more good things the better." 
After it had boiled sufficiently, the pot was taken off, " but the liquor was 
so despot strong," that they could not drink it; and, besides, it had made 
a complete jelly of the meat. 

In regard to the use of coffee in town, we have an equally amusing 
tradition : — 

About the year 1757, a party of gentlemen arrived from Boston and put 
up at Lieutenant Ebenezer Eastman's tavern. They brought their coffee 

o Holmes, in his annals, under date of 1720, says, "This year tea began to be used in New England." 
t (offin. 


with ttem, and requested tlie landlady to cook it. The good lady, not 
being particularly acquainted with the article, nor the manner of cooking 
it, hardly knew what to do. But having a little self-confidence, with her 
other good qualities, she scorned to ask advice, and proceeded to cook it 
in her best manner. Accordingly, she took her bean-pot, put the coffee 
into it, filled it with water, and boiled it as she would beans. At length, 
the refreshment was ready, and when the gentlemen sat down, they were 
not a little surprised to see their coffee set before them, well boiled, in the 
kernel. They, however, took it very good-naturedly, and afterward in- 
structed her in the mystery of cooking coffee. 



INDIAN TROUBLES. — 1713 TO 1725. 

The peace made with the Indians, in 1713, proved of short duration. 
The French, who saw in the progress of the English, the downfall of their 
own power on the continent, employed the great influence of their mission- 
aries, Kalle, and La Chasse, to arouse the Indians, and stimulate them to 
jealousy and revenge." A conference was finally held with the Indians, at 
Arowsic Island, in 1717, by Governor Shute, which resulted in a confirma- 
tion of the treaty of 1718, and the apparent satisfaction of the Indians, 
But the French were far from willing to allow the savages to be at peace 
with the English, and, in 1719, they again renewed their claims for the 
removal of the English from their lands, but a small force on the frontiers 
prevented an open violation of the treaty. 

In 1720, the Indians were persuaded to commit depredations, and parties 
from the Norridgwock and Penobscot tribes killed some cattle, and threat- 
ened the lives of the English. The Nova Scotia Indians went still further, 
and added murder to robbery. Further hostilities at this time were pre- 
vented by Colonel Walton, of New Hampshire, who was detached with a 
force of two hundred men to guard the frontiers. In August, 1721, a 
party of two hundred Indians, accompanied by their spiritual leaders, 
Kalle and La Chasse, under French colors, and armed, appeared at Arowsic, 
for a "talk" with the commander. This ended without satisfaction to 
either party, and the Indians left with complaints and threats. They 
warned the English to remove from their lands in three weeks, or they 
would kill, burn, and destroy. Iritated by the conduct of the French, 
government determined to attempt the removal of the cause of all the 
trouble, and for that purpose, three hundred men were sent to Norridgwock, 
with orders to seize Father Ealle, and bring him to Boston. No other 
success attended this expedition, than the seizure of his private papers, 
which fully revealed the secret machinations of the French. 

This invasion of their head-quarters, exasperated the enemy in an unus- 
ual degree, and, in June, 1722, a party of sixty men, in twenty canoes, 
captured nine families, at Merrymeeting Bay, and committed other depre- 
dations, soon followed by the destruction of Brunswick, Maine. 

• See Hutchinson, Douglas, and others, upon this point. 


Immediately after the news of tlie latter reached Boston, the Governor 
and council made a formal declaration of war. 

Though so far removed from the immediate vicinity of the troubles, the 
inhabitants of this town well knew that they were not safe from savage 
outrage, and they determined to be prepared for any emergency. With 
the bloody scenes of August 29, 1708, still fresh in their memory, we need 
not wonder that their first care was for their minister. At a meeting held 
on the 10th of August, the Selectmen were ordered " to build a good fort 
round Kev. Mr. Brown's house with what speed they could." 

The enemy committed no further violence that season, but early in the 
spring, they divided into small parties and harassed the whole line of fron- 
tier settlements, — Falmouth, Scarboro, Berwick, Wells, York, Dover, and 
Lampray Eiver. This intelligence, as may be supposed, thoroughly 
alarmed the people of Haverhill, and, at a meeting called March 19th, the 
town voted to buy a house of Jeremiah Page, and set it up between the 
parsonage house and Samuel Smith's, for a watch-house, which was accord- 
ingly done, with all possible dispatch. =■-' 

On the opening of the spring of 1 724, the enemy were again found in 
numerous parties, scattered over the country, plundering and murdering 
the inhabitants, and threatening the entire destruction of the English 
settlements. A constant watch was found necessary in the frontier towns, 
and those less exposed were called upon to furnish their proportion of 
soldiers for the common defence. In July, Colonel Noyes, of Newbury, was 
ordered to send twelve men to Haverhill, and six to Amesbury, to serve as 
scouts. A few weeks later, (September 15,) "John White, Capt; Richard 
Kimball Capt; Jonathan Woodman, Capt; and Richard Hazzen, Lieut;" 
wrote from this town to the governor, strongly urging the importance of 
sending an army of men to Winnipiseogee Lake, to surprise the Indians 
in that vicinity, and utterly rout them. 

Determined to beard the lion in his den, government fitted out a force of 
two hundred and eight men, and attacked the head quarters of the Indians 
at Norridgwock. The settlement was entirely destroyed, and about eighty 
killed and drowned, among whom was father Ralle, the Jesuit missionary. 
This achievement completely broke the power of the Norridgwocks.f 

The next and last considerable engagement in this war, took place at 
Pequawket, now Fryburg, Me., in May, 1725, by a party of volunteers, 

° The town clerk made a journey to Ipswich for the nails, on horseback. At the raising, " two quarts 
Rum " were employed, at an expense of four shillings. 
t See Hutchinson, for a full account. 


under Captain Lovewell. In this bloody fight, the English, after sustaining 
themselves against great odds, almost an entire day, were left in possession 
of the field. 

Lovewell's (or Lovell's) company consisted of forty-six men, besides 
himself, including a chaplain and surgeon. Four of these men were from 
Haverhill, viz : Abiel Astcn, Ebenezer Ayer, Doctor William Ayer, and 
Zebediah Austin. •■' Captain Lovewell was from Dunstable, and had 
already distinguished himself on several occasions. 

The Haverhill men probably joined Lovewell at this town, where the 
expedition was furnished with supplies, by John White, who had charge of 
the Province stores in Haverhill.f They started about April 16, 0. S. 
On arriving at Ossipee lake, one of their number was taken sick, and they 
built a small fort, as a place of refuge in case of mishaps, and left the sick 
man, with the doctor, and eight men to hold the fort. With the rest of his 
company, Lovewell boldly marched for Pequaquake, to attack the bold 
Paugus in his own home. On the morning of May 8th, as they came near 
Saco Pond, they discovered a solitary Indian shooting ducks, and, leaving 
their packs unguarded, they prepared to attack the enemy whom they 
supposed must be near by. Not finding the enemy as they had expected, 
the company were leisurely returning upon their own trail, when they fell 
into an ambuscade. It seems that Paugus and a party of about forty 
Indians, returning from a scout down the Saco, came upon the packs of 
Lovewell's men, and finding them less in number then their own, they 
resolved to attack them. For this purpose they formed an ambuscade, and 
when the company reached the little brook on the east side of the above 
named pond, the Indians rose on all sides, fired, and rushed upon them with 
yells of defiance. Captain Lovewell fell at the first fire. His company 
immediately returned the fire, killing nine of the enemy, and then scattered, 
each getting behind a tree, and firing as he got a good chance. Thus the 
fight was continued, with fatal efi*ect on both sides, until toward night, 
when several of the Indians had succeeded in getting near the pond, and 
among them Paugus, who took refuge behind a tree within talking distance 
of John Chamberlain, who knew him personally. Their guns having become 
too foul to fire, the two agreed to go down to the pond and cleanse them. 
Each, with an eye upon his antagonist, endeavored to clean and load his 
gun in the quickest time possible, and then take the life of the other. 

<* Abiel Asten belonged in that part of Haverhill, now Salem, N. H., where he was living in 1790, aged 
eigh ty. — Belknap. 

Zebediah Austin belonged in that of Haverhill, now Methuen. He married Sarah Gutterson, April 
18, 1729. 

t State Archives, 


Their movements were simultaneous, until they drew their ramrods to send 
home the leaden messengers of death. In his exteme excitement, Paugus 
dropped his ramrod, and though he scarce lost a second's time by the mishap, 
it was enough for his opponent. . Just as Paugus brought his gun to his 
shoulder, Chamberlain fired, and the noted chief fell dead ! 

Soon after sunset, the firing ceased. About midnight, the survivors of 
Lovewell's men assembled, and found only twenty-three of their brave 
companions alive. Of these, one was just breathing his last; two more 
were unable to travel ; and eleven others wounded. The latter marched 
off the ground with the nine who were not much wounded, but four of 
them soon gave out, and were left by their companions, who kept on to the 
Fort. On reaching the latter, they found it entirely deserted ! It after- 
ward appeared, that Hassel, one of the men, had fled in the first part of the 
fight, and given such an exaggerated account of the afi'air, that the occu- 
pants of the fort immediately abandoned it, and retreated toward home. 
After much suifering, the survivors of the bloody fight arrived at Dunstable 
on the eleventh of May. 

Soon after this fight the Penobscot Indians expressed a desire for peace, 
and a treaty was executed in December, 1725, and confirmed at Falmouth 
the next July. In 1727, the tribes which had not been represented in this 
conference, notified the government of their desire to make a public con- 
firmation of the peace, which was subsequently done at Falmouth, in 
July, 1727. 

The peace which succeeded was of long continuance, and though, during 
the subsequent difficulties with the French, the frontiers were often 
harrassed by the Indians, Haverhill was never again molested by them. 
The settlement of a line of towns to the north, at last completely protected 
this town, after having been a frontier town for more than three-fourths of 
a century. During that period more than sixty of its inhabitants were 
killed by the Indians, and between fifty and sixty captured. Some of the 
latter were never heard from afterward, though most of them were ransomed, 
or escaped, and returned home. 

That the situation of this town during these troubles was by no means 
pleasant, is plainly seen in the fact that a scouting company was formed 
in town the summer following Lovewell's fight, and were in actual service 
during the months of September and October. The immediate cause which 
led to the organization of the company, we find given in a letter from 
Joshua Bailey and Jonathan Woodman, of this town, to the Governor, 
dated August 30, 1725, in which they state that Indians had been recently 
seen " lurking in the woods, guns heard, &c." The men were employed as 


scouts, or "Centinels," and a line of them were kept constantly posted on 
the frontier of the town, to give the alarm in case of the appearance of 
the enemy/-' 

From the original " Muster Koll of Moses Hazzen, Ensign," we copy 
the names of those under his command, in that service, from September 
6th to October 27th, 1725 :— Moses Hazzen, Ensign; Eobert Ford, Wm. 
Heath Jun., Phineas Foster, John Dow, Timothy Duston, David Emerson, 
Ebenezer Ayers, Samuel Merril, William Mitchel, Centinels. 

With the following incident, illustrative of Indian sagacity, we close 
this part of the early history of the town : f 

" At the mouth of Baker's Kiver, in the town of Plymouth, N. H., the 
Indians had a settlement, where have been found Indian graves, bones, 
gun-barrels, stone mortars, pestles, and other articles in use among them. 
In this place, it is said they were attacked by Capt. Baker, (from whom 
the river derived its name) and a party from Haverhill, Mass., who defeated 
them, killed a number, and destroyed a large quantity of fur. There is a 
story respecting an expedition of Capt. Baker, which, if correct, and we 
see no reason to doubt its correctness, shows the sagacity of Indians. — 
A friendly Indian had accompanied Capt. Baker in his expedition, and 
from the movement of the savages was satisfied that they had sent to 
Winnepisiogee or Pequawkett ponds for aid. He assured Capt. B. of the 
fact, and told him what they did must be done immediately ; that they had 
better make their escape or they would be overpowered by numbers and 
be destroyed. And on their march down the river Pemigewasset, he urged 
them not to stop, telling them they would be pursued. But when they 
reached the brook at Salisbury village, the men were so fatigued that they 
said they must stop and refresh themselves. The Indian told them to 
build each one a fire and cut several sticks apiece to broil their meat on, 
to burn the end of each as though thus used, and stick them into the 
ground, and then proceed as soon as possible. It was but a very short 
time after they had set out before the Indians came to the place where 
they had refreshed, and counting the fires and the number of sticks, said 
the English were too strong for them, and gave up the pursuit." 

** 111 1723, John .Clement asked to be released from paying the rent of the "Parsonage farm" the 
previous year, on the ground that he was driven off the land by the war. — Toion Records. 
t We copy from the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society — Vol. l.j 



1720 TO 1728. 

At tlic annual meeting of the town for 1722, it was, for tho first time, 
proposed that the mending of the highways should he done by a rate, but 
the proposition was promptly negatived. 

This year, and for more than a hundred years after, persons were chosen 
to see that the " fish courses " were kept clear, so that the fish might not 
be prevented or hindered from going up the streams in their appropriate 

At the annual meeting in 1723, the subject of schools again came up 
for consideration, and three new school-houses were ordered to be built — 
one in the north part of the town, between Daniel Ela's and "Widow Mary 
Whittier's, one in the north-westerly part, near the house of Jonathan 
Duston, and the other in the westerly part, near William Whitticker's. 
It was also voted to hire a school-master, " to move for the town's benefit 
to the several parts of the town." Richard Hazzen kept school "three 
quarters " this year, — one quarter at the house of Widow Mary Whittier, 
He was paid eleven pounds per quarter. 

At the same meeting, the following petition was presented, signed by 
four of the inhabitants ■' : — " Whereas your petitioners having their habi- 
tations so distant from the meeting-house, that, at any time being belated, 
we cannot get into any seat ; but are obliged to sit squeased on the stairs 
where we cannot hear the minister and so get little good by his preaching, 
though we endeavour to ever so much ; and there being a vacant place be- 
twixt the front pew and the pew on the side gallery over the head of the 
stairs, we humbly request liberty to erect a seat over the same." The 
petition was granted. 

At the same time several womenf petitioned for liberty ' ' to erect a seat 
or pew over the head of the stairs, not damnifying the stairway," which 
was also granted. 

Abiall Messer was granted the privilege of keeping a ferry near his 
house for five years. Messer, we believe, lived in that part of the town 
now Methuen. 

° James Sanders, Jr., John Eatton, Jr., Nathaniel Peaslee, Jr., Joseph Merrill. 

t Sarah Hazzen, Hannah Hazzen, Hannah Clement, Euth Clement, Eachal Sanders, Abigail Peaslee, 
Busaana Peaslee. 



In the fall of 1723, the Selectmen of Haverhill, and the Selectmen of 
Kingston met, and run the line between the two towns.'- 

The first mention we find of seines, or nets, for fishing in the river, is in 
the records of this year (1723) when Captain Joshua Bayley, Ebenezer 
Eastman, and others, petitioned for liberty to fish in the river with a net 
" from Ebenezer Eatton's down to Hardy's landing." The petition was 

We now approach one of the most critical periods in the history of our 
town ; — that in which the disputes and difficulties between the "proprie- 
tors" or "commoners," and the rest of the laud holders in town reached 
the culminating point. We have already seen that, for some time, there 
had been an increasing feeling of dissatisfaction on the part of the latter 
with the proceedings of the former. The non-proprietors had seen the 
common and undivided lands of the town gradually growing less and less 
under the frequent grants of the proprietors, until the most obtuse could 
not fail to see that ere many years should elapse, none of them would be 
left, as such. 

The largest, and most valuable, of the remaining tracts of undivided land 
was the portion still left of that laid out in 1665 as a "cow common. "f 
This had been much reduced from its original dimensions, but was still a 
large and valuable tract of land. The proprietors had several times dis- 
cussed the proposition to lay it out into lots, and dispose of them, but as 
yet had not fully decided to do so. 

The question of the oionership of these lands was yet, in the minds 
of many, a mooted question, and the dispute in relation to them now be- 
gan to show visible signs of its unhappy tendency. Eive meetings were 
held in succession, and not a vote was passed. The marginal refer- 
ence to one of them says, that it was "precious time spent for nought." 
The two parties were fast approaching open hostility, and unless some com- 
promise could be made, it was evident that the results must inevitably be 
disastrous to the town. Under these circumstances, a committee was 
chosen by the " town " (September 2d, 1723,) to confer with the common- 
ers, " in order to make some agreement about common lands in Haverhill," 
and the meeting adjourned to hear the report. The town committee asked 
for "a proposition, in order to make peace." 

*' The Charter of Kingston was granted in 169i, and included what now forms the towns of Kingston, 
East Kingston, Danville, and Sandown and portions of Plaistow and Hampstead. 

t According to the vote of March 7, 1665, all the land within the following bounds was forever to be a 
cow-common : — Within the hounds of Fishing river; and from thence to a brook that goeth to the hither 
north meadow ; and from thence as the cart path goeth, to the meadow of Bartholomew Heath, which was 
formerly George Corliss's meadow : and from thence to the East meadow river, and so within the bounds 
of the east meadow river down to the Great river. 


"When tlie adjourned meeting was opened, it was found that no reply 
had yet been received from the commoners, and another adjournment was 
made. At the next meeting, the committee reported that the town's propo- 
sition had been made to the commoners, at one of their meetings, and was 
"met with silence, & nothing more." This silence of the commoners was 
not, however, to be attributed to their sullenness or disinclination to ac- 
cept the olive branch of peace, as will appear plain from their proceedings 
immediately afterward. 

Early in December, (December 5, 1723,) several of the proprietoi-s 
petitioned for a meeting of the proprietors, as follows : — 

"To Jno White esqr: proprietors dark greeting, whereas There are 
severall persons in ye Town of Haverhill of long & ancient standing in ye 
Town, who by reason yt They have little or no Eight in ye Comon lands 
either by Them selves or claiming under Their Ancestors are very uneasy 
att ye division & disposal! of said lands to & among ye proprietors & 
reall owners of itt. Therefore wee ye subscribers proprietors" Taking into 
Consideration ye damage of Contention, & yt peace may be made, we re- 
quest yt There may bee a meeting of ye proprietors to bee att ye meeting 
house in Haverhill on monday ye sixth day of January next ensuing att 
Ten of ye clock in ye forenoon for Eeasons following, first yt if ye pro- 
prietors see cause They chuse a Comitte to debate ye matter wth such per- 
sons who have been of long & ancient standing in ye Town Though They 
have little or noe Eight To any Comon lands either by Them selves or An- 
cestors & To see upon what Conditions such persons will be satisfied & To 
make report to ye proprietors soe yt They may Give them some lands if 
They see Cause. 

secondly yt They chuse a Comitte To debate wth such persons who lay 
claim to Eights not yett allowed To see what will satisfie Them & make 
report Thereof to ye proprietors yt soe They may act upon itt if They see 

The meeting was held accordingly, and Deacon James Ayer, Nathaniel 
Peasly, and Eichard Hazzen, were chosen a committee to meet the non- 
proprietors and ascertain what would satisfy them. 

The committee met the latter at the tavern of Cornet James Pecker, on 
the 28th of January, and reported to the proprietors, on the 5th of Feb- 
ruary, the following, as the result of their " debate " : — 

"Jno Sanders did declare & say yt as to ye comons They were in ye 
hands of ye Law & yt hee was easy wth ye determination of ye Law, for 
if ye Town lost, his Eight with ye comons would bee as good as now. 


Joshua Swan would not bee easy unless They would grant him 15 acres 
between Samll Davis & Job elements. 

mathew Harriman junr declared yt hee would bee uneasy unless all ye 
fences erected on ye cow comon were demolished & itt lay according to ye 
vote of ye ancient fathers & ye proprietors records Burnt. 

William Johnson would not be easy unless They would fling up ye cow 

All those above accounted are unreasonable in Their demands & soe 
(we) acted nothing upon it. 

All ye other persons under written To ye number of about 39 persons 
Though They had noe materiall objection against ye division of ye Comons 
yett since They had bore charges lost friends by ye Indians : &c did desire 
some particular pieces of land upon ye proprietors grant of which They 
would bee easy & for ye future rest contented & proceeded To request as 
followeth (viz) 

Jno Stevens sen: & Jun: proposes To have about six acres neer Aaron 

Isack Bradly Bradly requests six acres neer hony ball mill 

Stephen Dow requests five acres beyond nicholas whites 

Joseph Guile requests about Two acres by his house part is allready 
fenced in 

Haniel & Edward Samll & Timothy dark requests six acers where Their 
mother lives 

James Heath about Ten acers neer Jno Harrimans Mill 

Josiah Heath Junr four acres neer moses Stephens 

Samll Smith Ten acres neer Jno Harrimans mill 

Eobert ford Bequests 10 acres where There is Comon neer hogg hill mill 

Abraham Bradly about six acres neer yt his brother Isack requested 

Ens: Whitiker yt wheras he hath half a right To lay out in ye Cow 
Comon They would lett him have a whole Eight & hee will bee easy 

nathll merrill: Jun: for himselfe & brethren requests Ten acres in yt 
Comon beyond Henery Sanders house 

nathll Johnson requests Eight acres next his own land 

Tho Eatton requests To have about Ten acres on west meado hill AVil- 
liam Whittaker Junr 10 acres on ye Eight hand of ye way yt leads To 
Honyball mill mill joyning to ye mill pond 

Joseph page requests about Three acres where hee now lives 

Benjamin Standlee requests about five acres of yt Comou beyond Hen- 
ery Sanders 


peter Green senr: & Junr: Bequests yt They would grant Them all yt 

Comon which They have withinfeuced & yt att ye south of Their land 

being part of Their Eight allready laid out & yt att ye East End of Their 

land, & lay out Their Comon Eight in some other place, They having a 

Convenient Eoad To ye Sour meadow 

Andrew mitchell: senr requests about six acres in yt Comon beyond 

Henery Sanders, and yt stripp of Comon betwixt ye highway & ye farm 

called Hainses farm & a small peice By his barn 

Jonathan Eastman requests 20 acres in providence neck 

Samll marble senr: Twenty acres in providence neck north of ye Copls 

pond farm-* 

Stephen Webster Twenty acres north of Cojils pond farm as wee goe to 

providence neck 

Joseph Whittier proposes about Eight acres on ye north of The way y 

leads from nicolas whites To Corlys meadow 

Abraham page requests about Eight acres next to yt Whittier requested 
John Webster & nathan webster 40 acres To both in providence neck 
Deacon mash requests about Two acres being a small strip lying be- 
twixt land laid out To him in ye Cow Comon & ye way yt goes to Jeremy 

. Aaron Stephens about four acres Joyning on his own land 
Samll Worthen three acres betwixt Jno Harrimans mill & ye wooden 


Abiall mercer about 5 acers neer obadiahs meadow 

Jno Lad a small peice by his own land about Two acres 

Job elements about Ten acres next yt william whittier requests for 

Christopher Bartlit 12 acres next to yt hee bought of Guile & proposes 

To have his Two Comon Bights laid out adjoyning To This 

matthew Harriman senr about Eight acres beyond nathll Johnsons land 
Jno Heath about six acres below wainwrights mill on The Easterly side 

of ye Biver 

Jno Clement six acres neer hony ball mill." 
Upon the reading of the report of the committee, the proprietors 
•' Voted yt ye several parcells of land petitioned for or desired by ye 
severall persons, according To ye return of ye sd committee Bee hereby 

granted To them on This Condition yt They rest satisfied & Contented wth 
ye division of ye Comon land according to ye proprietors order, & yt for 

ye future They appeare In all Town meetings, unless hindered by extra- 
ordinary Casualty & doe oppose By voate, & argument, all such persons & 

o The Pond here referred to, was probably that now known as "Captain's Pond," in Saltm, N .H. 


voates as any way disturbe or hinder ye proprietors in Their peaceable In- 
joyments of Their lands divided or undivided & yt They Indeavor To 
hinder any farther process in law about ye same, & farther peace & unitie 
againe as far as may be, & yt They Assighn Artickles agreeable To This 
voate betwixt Themselves & The Comitte which shall be appointed for ye 
purpose, before ye said land Bee laid out To them, And yt ye particular 
persons To whome ye land is granted shall pay ye Comitte yt have been 
allready Impowered about having ye proposalls of severall persons 
for land To be Given them, & alsoe what farther charge ye Comitte may 
be att about ye same, for ye laying of itt out & for recording ye same. 
This was voated & granted By a full voate." 

A committee was then chosen to draw up the proposed articles, and, on 
the persons alluded to signing them, the committee were to lay them out 
the land requested. 

This liberal concession on the part of the proprietors did not, however, 
secure a complete settlement of the difficulty, though it would seem, from 
the silence of the records of the following year, that it had done so. But 
no sooner did the proprietors fully decide to lay out the cow-common into 
lots and appoint commissioners to lay out highways through it, than the 
opposition broke out afresh. In the warrant for the annual meeting for 
1725, (March 2d) we iind the following, which plainly shows the deep- 
seated hostility to the claims of the proprietors : — 

" 2 And to see whether ye Town will chuse a Comitee to Draw Money 
out of ye Town Treasury to seport one or more of ye Comoners to take a 
method in law to recover their Eights from ye Incroachments of ye Com- 
oners, That it may yet ly in Comon as by ye Cow Comon grant made in 
March 1GG4-5." 

" 3. And to Chuse a Comittee to prefer a petition to ye General Assem- 
bly to acquaint yt Honorably House with ye Irregular method of our 
Comoners in their last actions abought ye Cow Comon, and to see what ye 
towne may think proper on yt acount & to doe it on ye Towns cost." 

The two parties were now in open hostility, and on the day of the above 
meeting, finding themselves in a minority, the "commoners" withdrew 
and organized a separate meeting, and chose a separate set of town officers. 
Captain Joshua Bayley was moderator of the non-commoners ; and Captain 
John White of the commoners. The former body chose Ensign Thomas 
Whittier, John Sanders, and Anthony Colby, a committee under the second 
article of the warrant ; and made the same persons, with the selectmen, =•■' 
a committee under the third article. 

* Captain Joshua Bayley, James Sanders, and Christopher Bartlett. 


The next meeting of the non-commoners was held April Sth, the war- 
rant for which is signed by Benjamin Stevens, " one of his majesties 
justices of ye county of Esses," in answer to a petition to him " signed 
Tby more than fifty hands." 

The business to be done, was, " To see whether the Town will Impower 
ye Select men of Haverhill, or chuse a Comittee to prosecut on ye towns 
Cost to final Issue any of ye faction that are Indevoring to disturb & Dis- 
quiet ye Town Clark in his peacable Improvement of ye town Books." 
=•■' '••' =■"' =•■■' " and to prosecut any person yt by Color of their Election 
in yt meeting where Capt White pretended to be moderator yt shall pre- 
sume to act as such officer." 

Upon the first article of the warrant, Captain Joshua Bayley, James 
Sanders, Thomas Haines, Daniel Bodwell, and Christopher Bartlett, were 
chosen a Committee to prosecute " any of yt faction," &c. 

It was then declared, by a unanimous vote, that the officers chosen at 
the previous meeting, and who were called by name, should be supported 
through any difficulty that might arise in executing their respective duties ; 
that "ye small party where Capt AVhite pretended to be a moderator on 
March 2, 1724-5, was not according to the town's will, nor according to 
ye consent & former practice of our Town;" that "the Town doe Declare 
against Mr Eichard Hazzen Jr his being town Clerk ;" and that the select- 
men should prosecute to final issue any person or persons that by color of 
his Election in the meeting aforesaid," should presume to act as such 
officer. The meeting then adjourned for two weeks, at which time " some 
discourse passed," but no vote was taken. They met twice afterward, but 
adjourned on both occasions without doing any business; — the last meeting 
being held June 21st, and after the following warrant had been issued.* 

The non-proprietors having appealed to the General Court, that body 
passed the following resolve, or order, June 4, 1725 : — 

" Whereas at the anniversary of the town-meeting in the town of Hav- 
erhill, in March last, there happened to be two contending parties who 
assembled at the meeting-house, and did there and then choose two sets of 
town-officers, whereby great difficulties arose in the said town, and consid- 
erable expense occasioned in the law ; and it is feared that no good gov- 
ernment can be supported unless some speedy care be taken to prevent 
these disorders. For preventing whereof, and to put an end to said strife, 
it is ordered by this General Court, that Joshua Swan and Nathaniel 
Peasley, Constables for the town in 1724, be, and are hereby required to 

° We do not learn that the commoners held any meeting during this time, and presume that they 
did not. 

272 niSTORT OF nATERniLL. 

warn the frceliolders and other inhabitants to asscmhle at the meeting- 
house in Haverhill, on the ninth of June, at ten o'clock, A. M., and then 
and there to choose all the town-officers which the law requires to be 
chosen in the month of March annually ; and that Eichard Kent, Esq." 
be desired to be present at the said meeting ; and he is empowered to mod- 
erate the affairs, and no other person be allowed to vote but such as are 
lawfully qualified ; and that the proceedings of both parties at the afore- 
said meeting of March 2d are declared null and void, and the charge to 
be borne as this Court shall order." 

A meeting was accordingly held on the ninth of June, and Eichard Kent, 
Esq., presided. The opening of the meeting was followed by some discus- 
sion concerning the town's affairs, but ho vote was taken. The meeting was 
adjourned till the afternoon, when the Moderator ordered the votes to be 
brought in for a town Clerk. But few, however, were cast, and no Clerk 
was declared to be chosen, and the meeting was adjourned by the Moderator 
to the 23d of June. 

The attention of the General Court being again called to the matter, that 
body, (June 15, 1725,) 

"Resolved, That Whereas by special order of this Court, the town^of 
Haverhill was assembled on the 9th inst. for the choice of town officers, 
and no other than a Town Clerk was then chosen, although he was not 
declared by the moderator, & said meeting having been adjourned notwith- 
standing the other town ofiicers were to be chosen the same day : 

"■Resolved, That John Eaton be and is hereby declared Town Clerk for 
Haverhill, according to the choice made the ninth of June, as aforesaid, 
and that the freeholders (&c) assemble at the meeting house in Haverhill 
June 23, according to the adjournment, and that they then and there 
choose all other town officers,* and that Eichard Kent Esqr, hereby declared 
moderator of the meeting, be directed to administer the oath by law ap- 
pointed to John Eaton and the other officers to be chosen, any law usage or 
custom to the contrary notwithstanding." 

This jH-ompt and energetic action of the Legislature, supported, as it 
must have been, by the sober second thought of the contending parties, had 
the desired effect. The town met according to adjournment, and completed 
the election of their officers. 

From this time forward, we find in the records no allusions whatever to 
these contentions. The meetings of the " Town," and those of the " Pro- 
prietors of the common and undivided lands in the Town," were held 
separately, and the records kept in separate books. The officers were also 

» Of Newbury. 


cLosen separately, tliougli the same persons not imfreqitently lield office in 
both organizations at one and the same time. The proprietors continued 
to hold their meetings ; to give, sell, and exchange the undivided lands ; for 
nearly forty years afterward, — giving and selling to, and exchanging 
'with, ''commoners" and "non-commoners," — hut we find no hint in 
either record or paper, of cither party, as to the further settlement of 
the difficulty between them. The most reasonable solution we can give 
of the problem is this ; — that the right of the proprietors to the lands 
claimed by them was too manifest, and too well supported by reason and 
authority, to afford any inducements to the non-proprietors to continue the 

Thus Avas brought to a close the long, and at times, bitter contention, 
about the common and undivided lands in the town. " The right of the 
''proprietors" was fully acknowledged, and though, after portions of 
the town had been set off to other towns, and particularly after the line 
between Massachusetts and New Hampshire was run, the right of the pro- 
prietors to continue to dispose of such lands in those portions of the 
original township was questioned, yet in all cases where the matter came 
before the courts, (and they were not a few) the claim of the proprietors 
was fully sustained. And we find that, as late as 1745 to 1750, such 
lands were frequently petitioned for, by residents in the several towns, 
and were disposed of by the " Haverhill Proprietors." 

In the spring of 1724, Stephen Barker, and others, of the western part 
of the town, petitioned the General Court for a new town, to be formed 
by setting off that portion of Haverhill above Hawke's Meadow Brook. 
Captain John White was appointed Agent of this town to oppose the petition. 

In November of the following year, the inhabitants of that section 
petitioned the town for a school in their neighborhood, — which was grant- 
ed." They were also " allowed ten pounds to pay a minister to preach there," 
if they got one that year. These grants did not, however, induce them to 
consent to remain as a part of Haverhill, and shortly after (December 8, 
1725) the General Court gave them an act of incorporation, under the name 
of Methuen.f 

^ A Mr. Heath was the Schoolmaster. 

t The first church in Methucn was formed October 29, 1729, and Rev. Christopher Savgeant was ordained 
as its pastor, November 5, the same year. The next January, the society petitioned the " proprietors of 
the common and undivided lands in Haverhill, and that part of Methucn formerly contained within ye 
ancient bounds of Haverhill," for a parcel of land for a parsonage. The proprietors not only gave them 
the land, but also donated a piece to their minister. 

In May, 1737, the inhabitants (C the " second parish in Mcthuen, being about to build a meeting house," 
also petitioned the proprietors of Haverhill for land. The proprietors voted to give them fifty acres, and 
also voted fifty acres to their "first ordained minister." These lands were all in Methuen. 




In June, 1725, Benjamin Stevens and others, petitioned the General 
Court for a township of land at " Pennycook," (now Concord, X. H.,) 
which was granted them, and on the 2d of February, 1726, a Committee of 
the General Court met at the tavern of Ebenezer Eastman (one of the 
petitioners) in Haverhill, for the purpose of admitting settlers. After mucl^ 
careful inquiry and examination, the requisite number — one hundred — 
were admitted. Among them were thirty-six Haverhill men.^-' 

"Obadiah Ayer, 
'■'Samuel Ayer, 
'•'John Ayer, 
="-Capt Joshua Bailey, 
Nathaniel Clement, 
Benjamin Carleton, 
Nchcmiah Carleton, 
Christopher Carleton, 
Edwaixl Clark, 
Ephraim Davis, 
"Joseph Davis, 
"Samuel Davis, 

Stephen Emerson, 
Nehemiah Heath, 
"Moses Hazzen, 
"Eichard Hazzen, Jr., 
Timothy Johnson, 
John Merrill, 
Nathaniel Page, 
Thomas Page, 
Joseph Page, 
"Nathaniel Peaslee, 
"Eobert Peaslee, 
John Pecker, 
James Pecker, 

Jeremiah Pecker, 
John Sanders, 
John Sanders, Jr., 
Jonathan Sanders, 
"Nathaniel Sanders, 
Nicolas AYhite, 
William White, 
John "White, 
William Whittier, 
Jacob Shute, 

Total, thirty-sis. 

Capt Ebenezer Eastman, 

Ohadiah Ayer, (born May 9, 1689) was the son of Samuel, (who was 
killed by the Indians in the attack on Haverhill, August 29, 1708) and 
a descendant of John Ayer, one of the early settlers of Haverhill. 
Obadiah was a graduate of Harvard College (1710) ; studied for the min- 
istry ; a man of talents and influence, but subject occasionally to aberra- 
tions of mind, at which times he is said to have had lodgings in Boston 
provided for him by his particular friend, John Hancock. We do not 
learn that he ever married. He kept the Grammar School in Haverhill 
six months of the year he was graduated, (for which he received fifteen 
pounds,) and also the next year, and probably for several years after, as 
we find his name mentioned again in 1713. It does not appear that he 
finally settled in Concord. 

John Ayer (born April 7, 1705,) was a brother of Obadiah. He mar- 
ried Mary Johnson, of Haverhill. Their children, born in Haverhill, 
were — Abigail, who died unmarried; Timothy, who married Elizabeth 
White, and lived in Bradford, Vermont ; and John, who lived in Bradford, 
Mass., John was doubtless at Concord in the earliest period of its settle- 
ment, but did not finally settle there. 

° Those designated by a ° were proprietors, but did not settle at Concord. 


Samuel Ayer, son of James, (a brother of Obadiali and John) was horn 
and lived in Haverhill. He married Ann Hazzcn. Their children, (all 
born in Haverhill) were — Mary, born December 23, 1738, married Sam- 
uel Morrison, of Sanborn ton, N. H. ; Anna, born September 22, 1740, 
married Deacon John Kimball of Concord ; Samuel, born November 29, 
17-12, married Sarah Chase, of Haverhill ; Elizabeth (1) and Elizabeth (2) 
died young; Elizabeth (3) born June 22, 1748, married Jacob Ela, of 
Haverhill ; Hannah, born August 25, 1751, mairied John Bradley, of Con- 
cord ; Euth, born December 4, 1753, married Dr. Peter Green, of Concord ; 
Lydia, born December, 1755, died- young; Eichard, born May 12, 1757, 
married Susanna Sargeaut ; James, born January 1, 1761, married Mary, 
daughter of Dr. James Brickett, of Haverhill. 

(Eichard, son of Samuel, appears to have been the first permanent set- 
tler of the name in Concord. He married Susanna Sargeant, of Methuen, 
by whom he had eleven children, all born in Concord.) 

Captain Joshua Bailey, born October 30, 1685, was probably a descend- 
ant of John Bailey, — who settled in Newbury, 1650,- — and was for 
many years one of the principal men of Haverhill. He was moderator, 
and one of the selectmen, from 1724, to 1734, and subsequently modera- 
tor for several years. He was probably a physician, as we find a " Dr. 
Bayley " mentioned in 1718 ; and again in 1722, " Dr. Bailey " went to 
Boston for soldiers. He married Elizabeth Johnson, about 1715. Chil- 
dren, — Ann, born March 6, 1715-16, died May 26, 1716; Mary, born 
June 13, 1717, died November 18, 1718; Sarah, born February 22, 
1718-19; Elizabeth, born November 3, 172^1, died May 5, 1736 ; Mary, 
born February 23, 1723, died May 11, 1736 ; Anna, born March 4, 1725, 
died January, 1750; Abigail, born January 10, 1729-30. 

"Joshua Bayley the husband d Feb 7, 1752. Elizabeth Bayley the 
wife d Oct 21, 1773." 

Nathaniel Clement (son of John, and Elizabeth Ayres) was born in 
Haverhill, June, 1689. He married Sarah Merrill, about 1714. Chil- 
dren, — Abiah, born May 27, 1715; Elizabeth, born March 6, 1716-17 ; 
Nathaniel, born October 16, 1719 ; Sarah, born March 2, 1721 ; Jeremiah, 
born June 15, 1724; Samuel, born April 8, 1726; David, born May 23, 
1728 ; John, born July 1, 1730 ; David, born November 8, 1734. Sarah, 
the wife, died July 10, 1748. 

Edward Clark, born March 29, 1694, was a son of Hanniel, and mar- 
ried Sarah Stevens about 1715. They had seven children. 

Of Benjamin, Nehemiah, and Christopher Carleton, we find no record, 

» See CoflSn, p. 294, 

276 HISTORY or nAVEnniiL. 

Ephraim Dam's, iDom Marcli 20, 1G97, was a son of Epliraim, and a 
descendant of Thomas, of Marlborough, England. There is no record of the 
family of Ephraim ; but he had three sons, Samuel, Benjamin, and Eobert, 
and two daughters whose names are believed to have been Deborah and 
Judith. Samuel and Benjamin were soldiers in the French war. One of 
them was drowned, and the other died soon after his return. The elder 
daughter married Colonel Moses Baker, of Campton, N. H., and the 
younger a Mr. Morrison, who lived at or near Sanbornton Bridge, N. H. 

Joseph, and Samuel Davis, were probably brothers, and sons of Samuel, 
of Haverhill. They did not settle at Concord. 

Captain Ehenezer Eastman, of whom we have already given an account, 
was a son of Phillip, and grandson of Roger, who settled in Salisbury, lG-10. 
(We think Bouton, who doubtless followed Mirick, is mistaken in giAing 
the date of Eastman's birth as 1689. Our town records say 1681 ; and as 
he had a sister (Abigail) born May 28, 1689, we incline to the opinion 
that Ebeuezer was not born in that year.) Six of his sons also settled in 
Concord. His children were — Ebenezer, born September 5, 1711 ; Phillip, 
born November 13, 1713, married Abiah Bradley; Joseph, born June IQ, 
1715, married Abigail Mellen ; Nathaniel, born March 16, 1717 ; Jeremiah, 
born August 25, 1719, married Dorothy Carter ; Obadiah, born December 
11, 1721; Euth, born January 17, 1729, married Dr. Ezra Carter, (2d), 
married Eowler of Boscowen, N. H. ; Moses, born February 28, 1732^ 
married Elizabeth Kimball. 

Stephen Emerson, son of Stephen and Elizabeth (Duston) was born in 
Haverhill February 23, 1700-1. 

Nehemiah Heath, born May 11, 1680, was a son of John Heath of 

3foses, and Richard Hazzen, Jr., were sons of Lieutenant Eichard, of 
Haverhill. They did not settle in Concord. Eichard, Jr., mamed Sarah 
Clement of this town, October 22, 1719, by whom he had eight children. 

Timothy Johnson, was probably from Haverhill, and a son of John 
Johnson and Elizabeth Maverick (though Farmer reckons him as from 
Andover, and son of Timothy of that town). He was born June 31, 1672, 
and was the last of the seven children of his mother. His father married 
for a second wife widow Sarah Gills, 1674, who died July 1676, (a few 
days after giving birth to Mary and Eebecca, twins) ; and third, widow 
Katharine Mavcricke, 1680, by whom he had John Maverick, died 1689. 

John Merrill, (Deacon) was from the West Parish, and a descendant of 
Nathaniel. He married Lydia Haynes. His children (the three oldest 
born in Haverhill) were — Moses, married Dorcas Abbot, settled in 


Pembroke ; Thomas, married Phelbe Abbot, settled in Conway, married (2d,) 
widow Johnson, married (3d,) widow Ambrose, married (-ith,) widow 
Cummings ; John, married Kebecca Abbot, settled in Pembroke, in conti- 
nental service 1776; Hannah, died young; Jonathan, born February 10, 
1733, married Mary Farnum, settled in Hill; Hannah, born February 10, 
1735, married R. Eastman, married (2d,) I. Odell Conway ; Nathaniel, 
born November 4, 1738, married Ann AYalker, settled in Browniield, Me. ; 
Sarah, born April 24, 1741, married Daniel Chandler; Ann, born December 
20, 1743, married Benjamin Farnum of Concord, N. H. ; Abigail, born 
December 9, 1746, married Tappan Evans of Warren, N. H. ; Lydia, 
married Amos Foster of Pembroke, N. H. 

Nathaniel Page, born February 15, 1700—1, was a son of John, Jr., and 
grand-son of Cornelius, the father of Thomas and Joseph. 

Thomas and Joseph Page, were sons of Cornelius, of Haverhill. Thomas 
was born February 24, 1693-4; and Joseph, September 12, 1689. 

Nathaniel and Robert Peaslee, were sons of Joseph, son of Joseph, of 
Haverhill. They did not settle in Concord. Nathaniel was born June 
25, 16S2, and was, for many years, one of the leading men of the town. 
He was Kepres^tative in 1737, 39 to 42, 1746 to 49, and 17o2,-53. In 
1739, he was one of the committee of the General Court on the boundary 
line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire. For many years, he 
served the town as moderator, and as one of the selectmen. Eobert was 
born February 3d, 1677. 

John and James Pecker, were sons of James and Ann (Davis). John 
was born December 15, 1687 ; and James, November 15, 16S4. Of Jere- 
miah, we can find no record. 

John Sanders, born June 6, 1672, was a son of James and Sarah (Page). 
He died September 8, 1737. John, Jr., born August 25, 1696, was a son 
of the above. He married Lydia Duston, and had fourteen children, 
seven of whom died young. 

Jonathan Sanders, born February 23, 1711-12, was a son of Avery and 
Abigail (Green) Sanders. 

Nathaniel Sanders, son of James and Hannah (Tewksbury) , married 
1st, Mary Bixby, 2d, Anna Kelley, by each of whom he had one child. 

Nicholas, John, and William White, were brothers, and sons of John, 
and Lydia (Gilman). Nicholas was born Deeember 4, 1698, married 
Hannah Ayer, of Plaverhill, 1722, and died in 1782. They had five 
children. William was born January 18, 1693-4, and died in 1738. 
John was born September 8, 1707, and died May 10, 1745. 


William Whittier, son of John, and Mary (Hoit), -was born October 
28, 1688, and married Eacbell Mitchell. They had three children. 

Jacob Shute was the son of a French Protestant, or Huguenot, who fled 
from Paris, on the revocation of the edict of Nantes, and took refuge in 
Ireland. Jacob, when about seventeen years of age, disliking the trade to 
which he was apprenticed, ran away, in company with one Dawen,.and took 
secret passage in the hold of a ship for this country. They remained con- 
cealed until driven out by hunger. On arriving at Newburyport, and 
having nothing to pay their passage, they were sold — (their service) — 
for a time, to pay it. They were both bought by Captain Ebenezer 
Eastman, of Haverhill, and served him till twenty-one years of age. Shute 
settled at Penacook. He married Sarah George, of Haverhill, and had a 
daughter, Sarah, born here, and John and Elizabeth, born at Penacook. 
His wife died January, 1745. He married a second wife, (a widow Evans) 
by whom he had two daughters, both of whom died young. Mr. Shute 
died February 16, 1794, aged ninety-four. 

The first party of the proprietors of the new township, left Haverhill 
early in the morning of May 12th, and arrived at Penacook about five, 
P. M., May 13th, and the next day commenced the survey of the town- 
ship. The following September, a committee of the settlers was chosen 
"to go out and clear a sufficient cart way to Penny Cook, the nighest and 
best way they can from Haverhill." According to tradition, Ebenezer 
Eastman's team — six yoke of oxen, with a cart — was i\iQ first that 
crossed the wilderness from Haverhill to Penacook. It was driven 
by Jacob Shute, who, in order to get safely down Sugar Ball bank," felled 
a pine tree and chained it, top foremost, to his cart to stay the motion of 
it down the precipice. 

Samuel Ayer is supposed to have been the first person who ploughed 
land at Penacook. The first family that settled in the plantation, was 
that of Ebenezer Eastman. The mill-crank for the first grist-mill was car- 
ried upon a horse from this town.''^ 

At a meeting held on the day of the annual March meeting this year, 
(1726) — but after the latter had closed — Captain Joshua Baylcy was 
chosen a committee in behalf of the town, to join with any persons chosen 
by neighboring towns, "to use all proper means to get the County of 
Essex divided." The reason given for this action, was, — that the shire 

° For many of the above facts relating to the pioneer settlers of Concord, we are indebted to the excel- 
lent History of Concord, N. H., by Eev. Mr. Bouton. 


town was so far distant. We do not learn that anything further was done 
at this time in regard to the division, cither by this or the neighboring 
towns. •■' 

One of those small matters frequently met with in the records, and 
which throw a gleam of light upon the manners and customs of " Auld 
Lang Syne," is found in the entry that one Mary Pearsons was warned 
out of town by the constable, upon the order of the selectmen, " she hav- 
ing nothing to live upon." In those days, towns were very careful that 
no persons obtained a settlement among them who would ever be likely to 
become a public charge, and all such persons were promptly notified by 
the authorities that the town did not consent to their remaining in it. 
From 172-t to 1770, thirty persons were thus ordered out of town. In 
later years, it became customary to serve such a notice upon nearly every 
person who came into the town to reside, and such a practice prevailed 
within the memory of many persons still living. 

At the March meeting for 1726, ten persons living in the east part of 
the town petitioned for permission to assemble for worship at the Amesbury 
meeting house, f The request was granted. Four years later, twelve 
persons^ in that vicinity petitioned the town to allow them to pay their 
"minister's rate" in Amesbury, instead of Haverhill, — which was also 
agreed to. 

The steady increase in the population of the town, brought with it a 
proportionate increase in the labors and cares of the minister, and also in 
his expenses ; and this year Eev. Mr. Brown applied to the town for an 
addition to his salary. In full confidence in each others liberality and 
sense of justice, they voted him. four contributions a year in addition to his 
present pay ! As often happens to others, as well as ministers, no sooner 
is one desire satisfied than another takes it place, and we need not there- 
fore be surprised that this liberal increase of salary should suggest to Eev. 
Mr. Brown the propriety of having his house improved in a corresponding 
ratio. Accordingly we find him asking the town to " double floor" one of 
the rooms, as it was " very cold in the winter," and to " ceil overhead" 
another, .and, with many expressions of confidence and esteem, he leaves 

- In 1693, several towns in Essex County petitioned the General Court for a division of the County. 
The House passed an Act for that purpose, but it failed to meet the approval of the Governor and Council. 
In 1736 a similar proposition was again made, but without success ; and several times since then the subject 
has been agitated in the Merrimack towns. 

t Abner Chase, Samuel Sargent, John Sanders, Jr., John Snow, John Sanders, James Sanders, Robert 
Hunkins, William Davis, John Lovell, Green Whittier. 

J John Sanders, James Sanders, Eobert Hunkins, John Sanders, Jr., Abner Chase, Green Whittier, 
James Bradbury, John Sweet, Joseph Kelley, Anthony Colby, William Bley, Eobert Hastings. 


entirely to them the consideration of sucli other improvements as might 
seem to them necessaiy. That his confidence was not misplaced, is shown 
in the fact that the town not only fixed the two rooms req^uested, but 
" re-payered the Great Eoom I " 

At a meeting held in May (1726) the town voted to raise one-fifth of 
their " Bank Money" and pay it into the Province treasury immediately/-' 

The year 1827 occupies a somewhat prominent place in the history of 
this town and vicinity, on account of " a mighty tempest of wind and rain, " 
and "a most terrible, sudden, and amazing earthquake" which occurred in 
the fall of that year. 

The first occurred on Saturday and Sunday, September 16 and 17, and 
destroyed a large amount of property. As a specimen of the damage done, 
may be cited the fact that " near two hundred load of hay" was swept 
away from the marshes of Newbury, f 

The earthquake, or rather earthquakes, commenced on Sunday evening, 
the 29th of October. Eev. Mr. Plant, of Newburyport, thus describes it: 

" October 29th 1727. Being the Lord's day at forty minutes past ten 
the same evening, there was a most terrible, sudden and amazing earth- 
quake, which did damage to the greatest part of the neighborhood, shook 
and threw down tops of chimneys and in many places the earth opened a 
foot or more. It continued very terrible by frequently bursting and 
shocking our houses and lasted all that week (the first being the loudest 
shock, and eight more that immediately followed, louder than the rest that 
followed) sometimes breaking with six times or oftener in a day and as 
often in the night until Thursday in the said week and then somewhat 
abated. Upon Friday in the evening and about night, and about break of 
day and on Saturday there were three very loud claps. We also had it on 
Saturday, the Sabbath, and on Monday morning about ten, tho' much 
abated in the noise and terror. Upon the Tuesday following, November 
seventh, about eleven o'clock a very loud clap upon every day or night more 

'■■ In 1690, the General Court of Massachusetts issued bills of credit, -which -n'ere the first "paper money" 
made in the countiy. A similar emission -was made in 1702. In 1721 it issued £50,000, -which -n-as divided 
among the several to-wns according to population, Ac, and -was to be returned -whenever the (Jeueral Court 
should so order. The proportion received by this town, was loaned to various private individuals, they 
giving their notes for the same, and paying five per cent, annual interest for the use of it. It was this 
"Bank money" that was thus voted to be called in and paid back to the Province Treasury. 

In 1728, another emission of £-50,000 was made ; and a similar issue has been ordered several times 
since. The object of these issues, or " loans," was to extricate the Province from debt, by creating a 
temporary substitute for hard mo'iey, and thus allow it time to recover from its pecuniary embarrassment. 

Paper money was first made by Massachusetts in 1690; by Connecticut, 1709; Pennsylvania, 1723; 
Maryland, 1740; Rhode Island, 17-14 ; and iu 1759 almost every province issued paper currency. It was 
first issued by Congress in 1773. 

t Cofiin. 


or less ttree, four, six times each day or night and upon the twelfth being 
the Lord's day twice from betwixt three to half past four, in all which 
space of time some claps were loud, others seemingly at a distance aud 
much abated. Upon Monday two hours before day a loud burst and at half 
past two in the afternoon another burst was heard somewhat loud. On the 
nineteenth about ten at night a very loud shock and another about break 
of day, somewhat here abated, but at Haverhill a very loud burst, making 
their houses rock, as that over night did with us. It was the Lord's day in 
the evening. It hath been heard twice since much abated. The very first 
shock opened a new spring by my father Samuel Bartlet's house in the 
meadow and threw up in the lower grounds in Newbury several loads of 
white sand. After that some loud claps, shocking our houses. On 
December seventeenth, about half an hour after ten being Lord's day at 
evening a very loud burst, shocking our houses. Another about four the 
next morning abated.'"' 

Stephen Jaques, of Newbury, thus describes its effects in his vicinity : — 

" On the twenty ninth day of October between ten and eleven it being 
sabath day night there was a terabel earthquake. The like was never 
known in this land. It came with a dreadful roreiug, as if it was thun- 
der, and then a pounce like grate guns two or three times close one after 
another. It lasted about two minits. It shook down bricks from ye tops 
-of abundance of chimnies, some allmost all the heads. All that was about 
ye houses trembled, beds shook, some cellar walls fell partly down. Stone 
wals fell in a hundred plasis. =••' " =•■■= The first night it broke 

out in more than ten places in ye town in ye clay low land, blowing up ye 
sand, sum more, sum less. In one place near Spring island it blew out 
as it was judged twenty loads, and when it was cast on coals in ye night, 
it burnt like brimstone." 

Henry Sewall, of Newbury, in a letter to Judge Sewall, of Boston, 
says : — 

" We were sitting by the fire and about half after ten at nightf our 
house shook and trembled as if it would fall to peices. Being affrighted 
we ran out of doors, when we found the ground did tremble and we were 
in great fear of being swallowed up alive, but God preserved us and did 
not suffer .it to break out, till it got forty or fifty rods from the house, 
where it broke the ground in the common near a place called Spring 

^ We copy these interesting accounts from Coffin'3 History of Nexohiiry. 

t We must not infer from this that a majority of the people were sitting by the fire at that hour of 
Sunday night. Indeed, Stephen Jaques declares that "most people gat up in a moment." This seems 



island, and there is from sixteen to twenty loads of fine sand thrown out 
where the ground broke, and several days after the water boiled out like 
a spring, but is now dry and the ground closed up again,"--' 

Similar shocks, though less severe, were frequently felt during the 
greater part of the following year. Between January 1st and May 22d, 
(1728) over thirty are recorded. On the latter date, the church in this 
town observed the day as a day of thanksgiving, " for the great mercies 
of the winter past under the Earthquakes." 

As we may readily suppose, the distance at which many families lived 
from the central meeting-house, joined with the primitive roughness of 
the roads, and the meagre facilities for riding to church, made it well nigh 
impossible for many to attend, especially in the winter ; and, in the fall 
of 1727, the inhabitants of the northern and western parts 'of the town, 
at their request, received permission to hold meetings at each of those 
places during the following winter. The inhabitants of the north part of 
the town had, a few months previously, petitioned the town to build a 
meeting-house in that part of the town, but without success. Their next 
move was for permission to have meetings, as above mentioned, and from 
their petition to the town, the following spring, for money to pay their 
minister, we learn that such meetings were held. 

At the same time, twenty-four persons again petitioned the town to 
build' a meeting-house in that part of the town. Both of these requests 
were refused. But the inhabitants of that section were now fully deter- 
mined that their requests should no longer be so lightly treated, and at a, 
meeting held in June of the same year, (June 18, 1728,) they succeeded 
in securing a vote that the northerly part of the town should be set off 
into a distinct precinct, or parish. The conditions annexed, were, that 
the inhabitants should determine within one month where their meeting- 
house should be erected, and settle an orthodox minister as soon as possible. 

'-' In a conversation with Professor Agassiz vre remarked, " If earthquakes and subterranean fires have 
elevated and depressed portions of this continent, why may they not again." He replied, "They may; 
probably they will." 

Mr. Coffin in his valuable History of Newbury, between 1727 and 1770, has recorded nearly two hundred 
earthquake shocks on the Merrimac river ! That disturbed region has long been quiet, and probably wiU 
remain so ; but who may know what changes the past centuries have experienced ! 

All the great rivers on the Atlantic coast of the United States have a southerly or south-easterly direc. 
tion. The Merrimac has such a direction for one hundred and forty miles, and is the only one which turns 
in its course and runs north-east, and part of the way north-west. If the history of the buried ages could 
be restored, it might be found that this river once discharged itself into Lynn harbor. From the Merrimac 
at Lowell to the head waters of the Saugus is only sixteen miles; while after its turning it finds its de- 
vious way more than forty miles to the sea at Newburyport ! Probably no portion of our land has under- 
gone greater changes than the seacoast of Essex county, and none presents a more interesting field of 
research. If we suppose one part to have been elevated, or another depressed, the peculiarity of this 
river may be accounted for. The subject is worthy the attention of geologists. — Lewis. 


It was formally erected into a Parish by tlie General Court, in the fol- 
lowing August. The following were the bounds : — 

"Beginning at the Westerly end of Brandy Brow, on Almsbury line, 
from thence to the Northerly end of the hither North Meadow as it is 
commonly called, thence to the fishing river and so down the fishing Eiver 
till it comes to the Bridge by Matthew Harriman's, then running Westerly 
to the' bridge over the brook by Nathl Marble's, and then a straight line 
Northwest one quarter of a point North, to the bounds of Haverhill, tak- 
ing all the land within the town of Haverhill north of said line." 

Their meeting-house was partly finished this year. The parish then 
included a part of Hampstead, Plaistow, and Atkinson. 

Complaint being made that there were "too many taveras" in town it 
was decided (June 18, 1728,) that two taverns were " sufiicient for the 
town's benefit ; and Lieutenant Ebenezer Eastman and John Swctt were 
appointed to keep them. Eastman kept in the village, and Swett at 
Holt's Eocks. 

That this was not the first time that good citizens thought and said 
there were too many taverns in town, may be seen from the following let- 
ter, which well deserves a place in a history of the town. It is copied 
from the Court Files for 1696 : — 

" Haverhill, December 26, 1696. 
Much Hond. Gentlemen : 

I allways thought it great prudence and Christianity in our former 
leaders and rulers, by their laws to state the numbers for publique houses 
in towns, and for regulation of such houses, as were of necessity, thereby 
to prevent all sorts, almost, of wickedness, which daily gi-ow in upon us 
like a flood. But alas, I see not but that now, the care is over, and such 
(as to some places I may term them,) pest houses and places of enticement, 
(tho not so intended by the justices) to sin are multiplied. It is multiplied 
too openly, that the cause o'f it may be, the price of retailers fees »S:c. I 
pray what need of six retailers in Salisbury, and of more than one in 
Haverhill, and some other towns, where the people when taxes and rates 
for the country and ministers are collecting, with open mouth complain of 
povertie and being hardly dealt with, and yet I am fully informed, can 
spend much time, and spend their estate at such blind holes, as are clan- 
destinely and unjustly petitioned for, and more threaten to get licences, 
chiefly by repairing to a remote court, where the}' are not known or 
suspected, but pass for current, and thereby the towns are abused, and the 
youth get evil habits, and men sent out on country service, at such places 


waste much of their time, yet expect pay for it, in most pernicious loytering 
and what, and sometimes by foolish if not pot-valliant firing and shooting 
ofi" guns, not for the destruction of enemies, but to the wonderful distur- 
bance and affrightment of the inhabitants, which is not the service a scout 
is allowed and maintained for. Please to see, if possible, what good is done 
by giving license to Eobert Hastings in such a by -place, about three miles 
from the publique house in town. The man himself I am sure has no 
cause, nor do I believe the town or travellers if they are sober men, will 
ever give the court thanks for the first grant to him, or the farther renewal 
thereof. But now the brovado is made, what is done is not enough, we 
must have a third tippling house at Peter Patey's about mid-way between 
the other two, which they boast as cocksure of, and have it is thought laid 
in, for this very end, an unaccountable store of cyder, rum, molasses and 
what not. It is well if this stock be not now spent on, in procure subscrip- 
tions for to obtain the villian's licence, which I fear knowing the man, we 
may be bold to say, wickedness will be practised and without control, and 
we must be quiet, or hated because of licences for something which they 
will enlarge to any and everything which is not, &c, '•••= '■' '■-' '■■' ^ * 

It would be good, if the law or rule of court made, were duly practised 
as to granting and renewing of licences, that none be meddled with but at 
the court to which the grand jurors do repair, belonging to the town where 
the man lives who petitions for license, so that the court may see what 
complaints are entered by bill, or better inquiries may be made. But now 
many that would speak if they had knowledge of the motion before the 
grant was made, cannot. I have done my part in court, as to what I heard 
of, to prevent such confiding licences to persons unknown. "VYe need but 
one place to be granted for strangers, or else it were more than enough. 
As for the two last mentioned, none that knew the men or the places, or 
the business, of necessity there let be done, can judge them to conduce to 
good or accommodation of civilized men. ^ =-■= =■•' " =^ '-■■' ^= =-■* * 

I am now God's prisoner, and can't come abroad. I have waited long 
to speak of those and other but as yet can't meet with an opportunity. 
You have nothing here of personal animosity of mine against any man, but 
zeal and faithfulness to my country and town, and to the young and rising 
generation that they be not too much at libertie to live and do as they list. 
I pray accept of the good intentions of, gentlemen, your humble servant, 

N. Saltonstall. 
To the Justices in Quarter Session, sitting at Salem, December, 1696." 


About this time, commenced the disputes and difficulties between the 
inhabitants of Haverhill, and those of Londonderry, and other places, in 
regard to the rightful ownership of certain lands lying between them. 
This " Border AVar" extended over a period of almost forty years; and, 
as a connected history of its rise and progress has never yet been pub- 
lished, it seems proper that we should devote a chapter to its special 
consideration, — which we now propose to do. 




The first charter of tlie Massacliusetts Colony granted all " that part of 
new England lying between tliree miles to the north of the ^Merrimack 
and three miles to the south of the Charles Eiver, and of every part there- 
of, in the Massachusetts Bay ; and in length between the described breadth, 
from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea." 

A considerable portion of the land embraced in this patent had been 
previously granted by the same Council to Captain John Mason, and 
others ; and the grounds upon which it was now re-sold do not appear. 
But, whatever may have been the reasons, the interference of the patent 
with those of a previous date, gave rise to perplexing embarrassments and 
long controversies. =•■' 

Under this charter, the Massachusetts colonists claimed that their north- 
ern boundary was three miles to the north of the northermost part of the 
Merrimack, and, frora that point to extend east and west from the Atlan- 
tic to the South Sea. In order to ascertain this northermost point, a 
commission was appointed in 1639 to explore the river, which resulted in 
fixing upon a rock near the outlet of Winnipisiogee Lake,f as the most 
northern part of the river, and a certain tree three miles to the northward 
of the rock, as the point from which their line was to run due east and 
west. This construction, as may readily be seen by reference to a map of 
New England, would give to Massachusetts the larger part of what is 
now New Hampshire and Vermont, and a large slice of Maine. 

Among the miscellaneous papers in the State Archives, is an old map, 
or plan, without date, but evidently drawn for the purpose of showing 
this claim of Massachusetts. The following is an engraving of this plan. 

" As late as 1759, (almost twenty years after the line between Massacliusetts and New Hampshire had 
been settled) the Haverhill Proprietors chose a committee " to join with New Salem Committee to settle 
the title of that township with ye proprietors of John Tufton Mason's Eight, &, to go to Portsmouth and 
settle ye aflair." 

t Which they marked, and which has ever since been known, as E7idicoU's Jiock. 



upon a reduced scale. The portion of land marked " Country Land," in- 
cludes all that part of the present town of Methuen, which was not 
originally a part of Haverhill. 

With this impression as to their colonial bounds, Massachusetts granted 
the townships along the northern border of the Merrimac, and among the 
rest, Haverhill. 

But the New Hampshire grantees placed a different construction upon 
the language of the charter, and claimed that the northern line could not 
in any place extend more than three miles to the north of the middle of the 
channel of the river. The territory, therefore, lying between these 
extremes, became " disputed territory." Subsequently. (1677) at a hear- 
ing before the King and Council, the agents for Massachusetts, by advice, 
so far modified their claim as to disclaim all right of jurisdiction beyond 


the tliree miles north of the river according to its course ;•■' and it was 
determined that they had a right as far as the river extended. Massa- 
chusetts, however, continued to retain jurisdiction over those parts of those 
towns already granted, which were more than three miles north of the 
Merrimac, — of which New Hampshire continued to complain. 

If the first charter of Massachusetts had continued, it is not probahle 
that any diflFerent construction would ever have been started, and the 
dispute between the two colonies would have remained confined to the 
towns referred to. But the new charter of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 
(1692,) defined the northern bound as "extending from the great river 
commonly called Monomack alias Merrimack on the north part and from 
three miles northward of the said river to the atlantic or western sea," &c. 
About the year 1720, New Hampshire began to claim that the line should 
commence at the point three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimac, and 
from thence run due west to the south sea. With the setting up of this 
new claim commenced a series of disputes, contentions, and suits, that 
lasted for nearly a third of a century, and at times nearly involved the 
inhabitants of the disputed territory in civil war. 

The theatre of the most violent and determined contests during these 
troubles, was that part of Haverhill (as originally laid out) known as the 
" Peke," or " corner," or " northerly angle " of the town. 

As early as 1722, we find the inhabitants of Londonderry making 
application to New Hampshire for more room, and they seem to have had 
a special desire for land in the vicinity of the " Peke of Haverhill. "f 
The same year, a committee chosen by the General Court of Massachu- 
setts to look after encroachments upon the lands to the north of Merrimack 
Eiver, belonging to the towns of Salisbury, Almsbury, and Haverhill, re- 
ported that "some Irish People" claimed the land "home to Merrimack 
Eiver from Amoskeag falls," &c.J 

In November, 1726, a petition was presented to the General Court from 
Orlando Bayley, Jacob Eowcll, and seventy others of Haverhill and Ames- 
bury, in which they affirm that they have been prosecuted at law for land 
they had held for sixty years, on pretence that it was in the town of 
Kingston and Province of New Hampshire. Writs for trespass had been 

* That is, their line should run parallel with the river from its mouth to the " crotcK' (Endicott's 
Rock) and thence due north three miles, (to EndicotL's Tree) and thence due west to the "South Sea." 

t N. H. State Archives. 

X As early as Deccniher, 1720, the Commoners of Haverhill received information that "the Irish were 
settling on some of the fourth division lots." — FVrie Fro^p. Mec. 


served on tliese petitioners, on the ground that their land was " more than 
three miles from Merrimack Eiver," and they were tried in New Hamp- 

The General Court took measures to inform their agent at London in 
regard to the complaint, and voted that the Governor should remonstrate 
to the General Court of New Hampshire against such proceedings, and 
solicit that all such might he stayed until the question of boundary was 
fully settled. 

That this did not have the desired effect, is fully shown from the fol- 
lowing extract from the Council Eecords of Massachusetts, for February, 
1728: — 

" A petition of Eichard Hazen Junior, James Pecker, Ebenr Eastman, 
& Nathl Peasleay, all of Haverhill, in the County of Essex, in behalf of 
the Inhabitants of the said Town, setting forth that notwithstanding the 
Ancient Grant of the sd Town the many confirmasions and settlements of 
their Bounds by the Government, divers of the Inhabitants of London . 
Derry within the Province of New Hampshire have encroached upon the 
Petitioners Lands mowed their meadows, cut down and destroyed their 
Timber, and erected several Houses on their Lands and have prosecuted the 
Inhabitants of Haverhill in the said Province of New Hampshire for im- 
proving their own lands, and therefore Praying relief from this Board ; 
Eead, and 

Whereas it appears to this Board that the contentions between the Inhab- 
itants of this Province and the Province of New Hampshire, bordering on 
the dividing Line, are arisen to that height that there is great danger that 
in their encroachments they will use violence on each other unless they are 
speedily discountenanced by the respective Governments: for preventing 

" Voted, that the Inhabitants of this Province bordering on the dividing 
Line and claiming Lands there be directed not to make any new Settlement 
on the said Lands or any improvements whatsoever thereon and to desist 
from all prosecutions in the Law till the further order of this Government 
or the settlement of the said Line, Provided the Government of New 
Hampshire do give the like or some other effectual directions to the Inhab- 
itants of that Province for the end aforesaid ; And that His Excellency be 
desired to write to the Lieut Governor of the Province of New Hampshire 
on this affair.""' 

'^ From the same records, of the same year, we learn tBat Nathaniel Peasley was twice allowed money 
from the Province Treasury to defend himself against suits in New Hampshire, (ten pounds and thirty 
pounds) ; and that John Wainiyright and Richard Saltonstall were also granted twenty pounds to pro- 
secute trespassers on Province Lands in Methuen. 




Accompanying Hazzen's petition was a plan, stowing the portion of 
Haverhill claimed by Londonderry. The following is a reduced copy of 
the plan : 

From this plan, it will be seen, that the land in dispute between the 
people of Haverhill and Londonderry, was principally confined to that part 
of Haverhill known as the "fifth division" land. The southern part of 
it, however, included a part of the "fourth division" land. The fifth 
division lots were laid out by the Haverhill Proprietors in January, 1721, 
and it was the entrance of the grantees upon, and their improvement of 
these lands, that led to the commencement of active contentions at this 
particular period. 

The bounds of Londonderry, as given in Wheelwright's deed, of 1719, 
was as follows : — ^Down the Merrimack until it meets the line of Dunstable ; 
thence eastward on Dunstable line, until it meets the line of Dracut; 
thence eastward on the line of Dracut " until it meets the line of Haverhil ; 
and extending northward upo7i Haverhill line until it meet with the line of 
Cheshire." From this we see.^that, according to their own deed, the 
claim of Londonderry was unwarrantable. The town of Haverhill had been 
laid out fifty-two years, when the deed of Londonderry was given, and by 
that deed they were bounded upon Haverhill line. 


At a meeting of the Haverhill proprietors, held in January, 1729, a 
Committee was chosen to prosecute, " to final issue," all trespassers on the 
common lands ; and another to perambulate the west line of the town.^-' 

At a ineeting of the Proprietors, held April 7, 1729, "Wm Mudgete did 
remonstrate to the proprietors that he has lately been at great Cost & 
Charges in defending his Title to certain Lands in the fifth division which 
were & still are Claimed by the Irish & that the Matter is now in the Law 
undecided." He therefore prayed that the proprietors would "reimburse 
him what he has expended in Eemoving the said Irish out of his house." 
In answer to his petition, a committee was chosen to examine his accounts, 
and report. At a subsequent meeting, Mudgett was allowed forty-four 
pounds seventeen shillings and a sixpence, from the treasury of the 

On the other side, we find, under date of August 27th of the same year, 
a petition from the inhabitants of Londonderry, to the Governor and Council 
of New Hampshire, in which they say that " Inasmuch as the Inhabitants 
of the Towne of Haverhill do often disturb sundry of your petitioners in 
their quiet possession of their lands granted to them by their charter, under 
their pretentions of a title thereto," they pray for assistance, on account of 
the " Law suits which are daily multiplied by them." 

From the Eecords of the General Court of Massachusetts, for 1731, we 
learn that, June 29, the House received 

" A Petition of Nathan Webster and Eichard Hazzen Junr, Agents for 
the Proprietors of the Town of Haverhill, Setting forth their Ancient & 
Legal right to the Lands they possess in said Town, as also the late En- 
croachments of the Irish people settled in the Province of New Hampshire, 
who have Cutt down and Carried away great Quantities of their Hay and 
Timber, & other ways disturbed them in the improvements of their Lands, 
Praying Eelief from this Court." 

Paul Dudley, from the committee chosen to look into the matter, re- 
ported that, inasmuch as there was a hopeful prospect of a speedy settlement 
of the Line, the Governor should be directed to issue a Proclamation, 
directing the inhabitants of both provinces to forbear molesting each other 
for the present year. 

In this recommendation the House concurred, but the Council refused 
to do so, and 

"Voted, that inasmuch as there are Courts of Justice established by 
Law before whom aifairs of that nature are properly cognizable, the Peti- 
tion be dismissed." 

» The fifth division lots were all bounded on the west by the west line of the town. 



Shortly after, commissioners of the two provinces met at Newbury, and 
attempted to settle the troublesome dispute, but without success. Upon 
this, the' New Hampshire commissioners appointed John Eindge, a mer- 
chant of Portsmouth, as agent, to present a petition to the King.-' They 
determined to treat no more with Massachusetts, j 

The following plan, or map, is a reduced copy of the one accompanying 
the petition of Eindge to^the King and Council. 

After^many delays, a royal order was issued, referring the matter to a 
board of commissioners. These commissioners " were all such as the New 
Hampshire agent proposed, five councellors from each of the governments 
of New York, Ehode-Island, & Nova Scotia. With the two former gov- 
ernments, Massachusetts was then in controversy about lines. The latter, 
it was said, was disaifected to charter governments. Connecticut, proposed 
by Massachusetts, was rejected because of a bias from their trade, religion, 
&c., which New Hampshire was afraid of."f 

The time [and place for the meeting of the commission, was August 
10th, at Hampton. J The Assembly of New Hampshire met on the 4th of 

o October 31, 1731, the House of Eepresentatives of New Hampshire confirmed the appointment of 

t Hutchinson. 

X At a meeting held May 17, this town chose a Committee, consisting of Colonel Richard Saltonstall, 
Mr. Richard Hazzen, and Deacon James Ayer, " to wait upon the Commissioners, and represent the affairs 
and boundaries of the town to them, provided the proprietors of the undivided lands pay the expenses of 
the said Committee." 


August, and tlic Secretary, by tlie Governor's order, prorogued it to the 
10th, then to meet at Hampton Falls. The Assembly of Massachusetts 
met at Boston, on the same day, and also adjourned to the 10th, then to 
meet at Salisbury ; — thus the two Assemblies met within five miles of 
each other. On the 10th, a large cavalcade was formed at Boston, and the 
Governor rode in state, escorted by a troop of horse. He was met at New- 
bury Ferry by another troop, and at the supposed divisional line by three 
more, who conducted him in all the pomp of power to the George tavern, 
at Hampton Falls, where he held a council, and made a speech to the 
Assembly of New Hampshire. =■' 

After several weeks of angry discussion, the boundary of the eastern 
line of New Hampshire (which had also been in dispute) was agreed upon, 
but the southern was not, and by agreement was submitted to the King. 

The main point on which this controversy turned, was entirely evaded 
by the commissioners. That point was " whether the charter of William 
and Mary granted to Massachusetts all the lands which were granted by 
Charles the First? " If this question was decided in the affirmative, then 
the claim of Massachusetts must be granted ; if not, then it must fall. 
Making, therefore, an evasive decision, the commission left the parties to 
pursue their contentions as best they could, by means of Agents, before 
His Majesty's Council in England. The New Hampshire interest was 
represented by John Tomlinson, who employed a Mr. Parris as solicitor — 
a man of great shrewdness, penetration, and artful address. Massachu- 
setts employed, as her agent, Mr. Edmund Quincy, who died in 1738, and 
afterward the affair was in the hands of "Wilks and Partridge — neither of 
whom understood a tithe so much of the controversy as Tomlinson, nor 
had the address of Parris. The latter drew up "a petition of appeal " to 
the King, in which all the circumstances attending the transaction from the 
beginning were recited and colored in such a manner as to asperse the gov- 
ernor and assembly of the " vast, opulent, overgrown province of Massa- 
chusetts;" while "the poor, little, loyal, distressed province of New 

^ The following "pasquinade" having been adopted as a part of the history of these proceedings by so 
many of our predecessors, we dare not risk omitting it in this place : — 
Dear paddy, you never did behold such a sight, 
As yesterday morning was seen before night. 
You in all your born days saw, nor I did'nt neither, 
So many fine horses and men ride together, 
At the head, the lower house trotted two in a row, 
Then all the higher house pranced after the low. 
Then the Governor's coach galloped on like the wind, 
And the last that came foremost were troopers behind ; 
But I fear it means no good to your neck, nor mine, 
For they say 'tis to fix a right place for the line. 


Hampshire" was represented as ready to be devoured, and tlie King's own 
property and possessions swallowed up by the boundless rapacity of the 
charter government. 

The following letter, from Richard Hazzen of this town, to Mr. Gushing, 
— written a few months after the matter had been thus referred to the 
King, — throws considerable additional light upon this controversy : — 

Inclosed are the Plans of Haverhill & Methuen with the Several! 
Claims of Kingston Chester & Londonderry ■■■= upon them which you will I 
believe Easily find Out by the Delineations, as also the first plan that ever 
was taken of the Town of Haverhill as I Can find which I thought might 
be of service for its Antiquity. f You will see by the Southerly Course of 
Londonderry what parts of Dracutt & Dunstable they Claim but for want 
of more knowledge in the Courses of them Two Towns I forbore to take a plan 
thinking it more proper for Mr Justice Blanchard, and as to Almsbury I 
am accjuainted that Kingston Claims near one third part, but without 
measuring I could not take an Exact plan so desisted hoping what is done 
may Suffice for the present. I have also enclosed the copy of a petition 
which was sent in Haverhill's behalf by the late Honrble Colo Quincy 
which if you please to peruse you will find it agrees with said Plan I have 
drawn & I hope will serve Haverhill. 

After you have read it I desire you would Send it me by the bearer, 
again. If my business would have allowed of it I should have taken a plan 
of Kingston, by which you would have perceived that they have no Eight 
by Grant to any part of Haverhill. Their Grant beginning at a Stake 
seven miles west from Hampton meeting house thence running west & by 
north Ten miles into ye Country & then beginning where they first began 
& Eun North four miles & South within three Miles of Merrimack & then 
from the Extreme points Last mentioned to ye End of ye Tenmile so that 
it Lyes in the same form of Haverhill. 

I should earnestly request that endeavours might be used that a Line 
from Endicott's Tree to three miles North of Merrimack Eiver at ye mouth 
might be the dividing Line of the Provinces which we take to be the true 
intent of the Charter, but the Province having put in a dififerent Claim we 

» In July, 1737, one Robert Auchmaty petitioned the Proprietors of Haverhill that "whereas a house 
lot had been laid out to him in Londonderry which is supposed to be within ye ancient town of Haver- 
hill," to prevent any future trouble in regard to it, he requested the Propriejtors to make over to him in 
writing all their right and title to the same. The request was not granted — perhaps because the peti- 
tioner asked the release as a gift, • 

t See an engraving of the last plan here referred to, on page 104. 


forbear to mention it. however that you "will use your utmost Endeavour 
that Haverhill's property may be Secured we Earnestly Eequest. If any 
thing further may be done to Serve the Province I shall readily lend a hand. 
In Haste I am Sr 

Your Most Humble Servt 

Eichd Hazzen 

Haverhill May 9th 1737."- 

The decision of the King in Council was not made until August 5, 1740, 
and the line was not actually run until the following year ; and during all 
this time, the inhabitants of the disputed territory suffered the most serious 
inconveniences and annoyances. It would be both unjust, and ungenerous, 
did we deny that private rights were invaded, property destroyed or 
damaged, law suits needlessly multiplied, and other wrongs committed, by 
persons, and parties, on each of the contending sides. Passions were 
inflamed, cupidity and a love for contention excited, and, as always has 
been, (and, from the nature of man, under similar circumstances always 
must be expected.) every available means, short of actual resort to physical 
force, was adopted to harrass and drive off the settlers on the disputed lands. 
Parties from this town repeatedly attempted (and often with success) to 
drive off the Londonderry and other settlers upon these lands, f and visa 

In the hope of putting a more speedy stop to these serious difficulties, 
the town, September 29, 1740, chose a committee to petition " his majesty " 
directly, about their town boundary. 

Finally, (August 5, 1740,) a decree of the King in Council passed the 
seals, by which it was " adjudged, ordered and decreed, that the Northern 
boundary of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, is and be a similar curve 
line, pursuing the course of Merrimac river, at three miles distance on the 
north side thereof, beginning at the Atlantic Ocean and ending at a point 
due north of a place in the plan returned by the Commissioners," (to whom 
the subject had been previously referred,) " called Patucket falls and a 
straight line drawn from thence due West across said river till it meets 
with his Majesty's other Governments." This decree was forwarded to 
Mr. Belcher, then governor of both Provinces, with instructions to apply 
to the respective Assembles of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, to 
unite in marking the necessary provisions for running and marking the line 

« State Archives 52, 472. 

t In April, 1735, John Carlton, and his brother George, (sons of Thomas, of Bradford) petitioned to the 
proprietors of Haverhill to make them some consideration for the services of themselves and teams " when 
Constable pecker went to fetch off those that were Tresspesscrs on that part of Haverhill Common beyond 
the Island Fond," as they had done to others that went at the same time. 


conformable to said decree, and that if the Assembly of either Province 
refused, the Assembly of the other might proceed ex parte. The Assembly 
of the Province of Massachusetts .declined complying with this requisition. 
The Assembly of New Hampshire made the necessary appropriation for 
running and marking the line : and George Mitchel and Kichard^Hazen 
were appointed by Gov. Belcher, on behalf of New Hampshire, to survey 
and mark the boundary line conformably to said decree. Pursuant to this 
authority, in the month of February, A. D. 1741, Mitchel run and marked 
a line from the seacoast above three miles north of the mouth of the 
Merrimack Eiver, to a point about three miles north of Patucket falls, as 
and for tlie line directed to be run by said decree, and said Hazen, in the 
month of March following, run and marked a line from the said point about 
three miles north of Patucket falls, across the Connecticut Piiver to the 
supposed boundary line of New York, on what he then supposed, was a due 
West line from the place of beginning. 

Tlds line gave to New Hampshire a territory of about fifty miles hy 
fourteen more than she had ever asked for ! 

Massachusetts, as may readily be supposed, did not soon forget her 
unjust treatment in the matter, and it was not until 1826, that she took 
part in a re-survey, or retracing of the line.--' 

But the decree of the King did not put a stop to the disputes between 
the inhabitants of Haverhill and those of Londonderry. It was made a 
condition of the submission to the decision of the King, that private pro- 
perty should not be affected, and this condition was incorporated into his 
decree ; but it did not settle the question of private ownership. 

At their meeting in September, 1741, the Haverhill proprietors chose a 
committee to prosecute all trespassers on their common and undivided lands, 
whether they were on the north or south of the New Hampshire line, or 
in that part of Methuen formerly Haverhill ; and they continued to sell 
and grant lands on the north side of the new line. 

On the other hand, the inhabitants of Londonderry petitioned their Gen- 
eral Court to newly run the lines of their town, as "your petitioners for 
several years past has been very greatly disturbed and troubled and in- 
croached upon in their Possessions and in defence of the same has expended 
from time to time in the Law near two thousand Pounds against the In- 
habitants of Massachusetts Bay." Among other causes of complaint 
against the latter, the petitioners say that " they carry off the small part 
of timber that is yet growing there." 

" From 1741, to 1826, no survey of the line was made by public authority. 


That we may not "be charged with suppressing testimony upon the Lon- 
donderry side, we copy, in extenso, the Eev. Mr. Parker's version of the 
matter, as given in his History of that town'' : — 

" It appears that certain persons in Haverhill, and its vicinity, laid 
claim to these lands, by virtue of a deed of but about twenty years date, 
from an Indian sagamore named John,f whereas the Indian title which the 
proprietors of Londonderry claimed, was obtained more than sixty years 
before, and signed by all the principal chiefs who had any right whatever 
to the territory in question.]: Weak and unjust as was the claim of these 
individuals,. they endeavoured to press it, hoping that, as these settlers 
were foreigners, if they could not by persuasion, they would by menaces, be 
induced to abandon their settlement. Hence they came from, time to time 
in armed bodies, threatening violence if the settlers upon these lands did 
not remove. But they knew not the men whom they thus assailed, were 
men of tried courage and noble daring. Satisfied of the justness of their 
title, and determined to maintain it at the peril of life, if called to the 
encounter, the inhabitants of Londonderry went forward with their settle- 
ment, without heeding the menaces they received. It is related, that on one 
occasion a large party from Haverhill, led by a man named Herriman, came 
fully armed for an encounter, unless these settlers would yield to their 
demands, either paying them for the township or at once quitting it.§ 

" It was on Friday, and the men with their families were assembling under 
a spreading oak, their house of worship not being as yet erected, to observe, 
according to the good old Presbyterian custom, the service preparatory to 
communion, which was to be administered on the following Sabbath. The 
assailants, on making known their purpose, were requested to desist from 
all acts of violence, until their religious services were over, which they 
consented to do. Having listened attentively to the discourse addressed to 
his flock by the venerated pastor, and struck with the firm and undaunted 

■"■ Parker's History of Londonderry, page 58. 

t With this deed, and the claim under it, this toivn had nothing whatever to do, and but very few of 
its inhabitants. When we first began to " read up " upon this subject, we somewhere met with, and made 
notes of, a history of this deed, and the attempts made to establish claims under it ; but they have been 
either lust or misplaced ; and we can now only affirm that the claim was owned by parties outside of 
Haverhill, (we believe in Ipswich, or Salem) and that when they passed through this town, on their way to 
this disputed territory, — which was, as they claimed, covered by their deed, — to compel the settlers there 
to either purchase of them, or move off the lands, a number of Haverhill men joined the party. — G. W. C. 

t We believe it is even yet doubtful whether the deed here referred to is a genuine deed, or a false one. 
But even admitting it to have been a genuine and valid deed, the bounds of Londonderry under it, was 
distinctly stated to be to, and upon, Haverhill the Line. 

§ This must have been the party who claimed under the Indian deed, already referred to. They 
claimed the whole township. Haverhill never claimed anything more than to its west line, as laid out 
in 1607. The latter claim, tlterefore, covered but a small portion of the township of Londonderry. 



appearance of the men, and with the spirit and solemnity of their devotions, 
Herriman said to his followers : ' Let us return, it is in vain to attempt to 
disturb this people, for surely the Lord is with them.' 

" In connection with these more formal assaults, they were frequently har- 
rassed by intruders who attempted to mow their meadows, on which 
they mainly depended for the support of their cattle during the earlier 
years of the settlement. •- 

" Such intruders were not unfrequently taken by them, and detained as 
prisoners, until satisfaction was rendered by them, or their friends. We 
find in the town accounts during these years, frequent charges by in- 
dividuals ' for guarding prisoners.' Sometimes an inhabitant of the town, 
when employed in these meadows, would be seized and carried away by 
individuals from abroad, who laid in wait for the purpose. Thus a Mr. 
Christie, while mowing in a meadow, was seized and carried to Haverhill, 
without being allowed to apprize his family of his situation. The next 
day some of his apparel was found in the meadow where he had been at 
work, and he was at length discovered and rescued. 

" It also appears that civil processes were commenced and carried on 
before the courts in Massachusetts, as they held their sessions, at New- 
buryport and Ipswich, and that certain individuals were actually com- 
mitted to prison under the arrests which were made by the claimants in 
that province. We find frequent charges made for attendance at court at 
Ipswich, also a vote of the town to pay the expenses of the individuals 
imprisoned, and to perform for them the necessary work required on their 
farms during their imprisonment." 

As a partial ofi'set to the above, we give the following outline of one of 
the numerous cases where actions were brought against those Haverhill 
settlers who fell to the north of the line ; and which will show the groxmd 
upon which such actions were brought, and the proceedings thereon. We 
condense it from a petition of Eichard Hazzen to the General Court, dated 
November 22, 1749: — 

In 1744, Kobert Boyes, of Londonderry, brought an action of Eject- 
ment against Jonathan Colburn, of Haverhill, to recover possession of a 
certain piece of land formerly within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 
but, by the running of the line, falling within New Hampshire. Colburn 

** The reader will bear in mind that these disturbances only occurred on, and related to, those lands 
which formed a part of the " northwesterly angle of Haverhill," but ■^^•ere claimed by Londonderry as a 
part of their township. Even after the line was run in 1741, and when all the land to the north of it was 
claimed by New Hampshire, we find that most, if not all, the suits commenced against the settlers on the 
north side, were brought against those of " Haverhill Peke," or, as it was also then called, " Haverhill 


held the land by virtue of a grant from the proprietors of the town of 
Haverhill to his predecessors, before the town of Londonderry was granted. 
Boyes claimed the land under the grant of Governor Shute for the town 
of Londonderry. At the Inferior Court, judgment was given for the de- 
fendant. The plaintiff appealed, and the Superior Court reversed the 
judgment. Subsequently, Colburn brought a Writ of Keview and recov- 
ered, with costs. Boyes then appealed to the Governor and Council of 
New Hampshire, " called the Court of Appeals," but after nearly two 
years delay, the title was confirmed to Colburn. 

As an additional offset to the troubles, expenses, and embarrassments of 
the Londonderry settlers, as thus feelingly set forth by their historian, we 
insert a second petition from Mr. Hazzen to the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts : — 

" To the Honrble Spencer Phips Esq Lieut. Governor and Commander in 
Chief in and over his Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New 
England, The Honrble his Majesties Council and House of Eepresentatives 
in General Court Assembled at Boston May 31 Anno Domini 1753. 

The petition of Eichard Hazzen humbly Sheweth That upon the Late 
running of the Divisionall Line between the Provinces, about one third 
part of the lands belonging to the Ancient Town of Haverhill, fell to the 
Northward of the said Line and within the Province of New Hampshire. 

That being the Case the Government of New Hampshire claimed, not 
only the Jurisdiction of these lands to the North side of the Line but also 
the property (contrary to order of the Crown) and endeavoured to Ouste all 
the inhabitants, which were then more than One hundred families 
Setled by Haverhill to the Northward of it and take away their property" 
by force of arms, the people of Kingston and Londonderry oftentimes 
coming in Clans to the Number of forty or fifty at a time, and One One 
hundred or more, to fence in our Lands build on them &c 

That your petitioner seeing the Great distress the poor people liveing on 
the North side of the line were in on the Accompt of the New Hampshire 
Claim and having some Lands there of his own, moved into that Govern- 
ment in order to Aid and assist the Haverhill people against them that came 
to drive them off by force, and did repell them in the same manner and by 
his application made to Governour Wentworth a stop was at Length put to 
such illegal proceedings. 

That Kingston and Londonderry people then directly brought many law- 
suites, against the Inhabitants of Haverhill which your petitioner defended 
to ye Utmost of his power.'-'' 

o In the Proprietors' Records, we find many instances where they voted money to assist such persons to 
carry on their suits, or to reimburse them for expenses already incurred. As specimens, we give the 


That in the Course of those tryalls which have now lasted almost Ten 
Years, Your petitioner has been one hundred and thirty Journeys to Ports- 
mouth oftentimes in Eain & Snow heat & Cold, to Attend the Courts or 
prepare for ye Tryalls & has oftentimes been detained there three weeks 
at a time on Expence, whereby he has sunk at least one thousand pounds 
of his Estate, when at the same time if he would have turn'd traytor to 
this Government he might have gotten large Sums without any trouble 

That your petitioner has met with so much difficulty in these affairs 
that rather than endure so much again he would give up all his Estate & 
sit down in the most remote parts of the Earth notwithstanding he has 
had such success that no one Haverhill man has lost his Estate nor are 
any new Settlement made upon us, no new suites Commenct. and but Two 
depending, & them before the Governour & Councill. 

But so it is may it please your Honour & this Honourable Court, that 
your petitioner by reason of his Great Expence has involved his Estate to 
the value of Seven or Eight thousand pounds to Capt. Edward Tyng for 
no more then Thirty four or five hundred pounds money old Tenor, the 
Eedemption of which is now Expired, And your petitioner must Infallibly 
Loose four or five thousand pounds unless releived by this Honoured 

Your petitioner therefore Earnestly requests this Great and Honourable 
Court to Compassionate his distressed Circumstances & inasmuch as he 
has endeavoured at all times with his power and Estate to defend the 
Title of this Government against New Hampshire, You will be pleased to 
Grant him so much money as will clear that mortgage, or Lend it the peti- 
tioner who will make sale of his Land as soon as possible & will pay the 
money in Again & the Overpluss he will devote to the Service of this Gov- 
ernment & will use all his power and abilities to defend the Title of the 
Massachusetts as Long as he is able to get to Portsmouth 

And your petitioner as in Duty bound 
shall ever pray 

Kichard Hazzen. 

following : — January 15, 1748-9. One hundred pounds was voted " towards defraying ye action before ye 
King and Council wherein Nathaniel French (Kingston) is appellant, against Thomas FoUonsbee and 
others (Haverhill) appellees." 

December 16, 1751, Henry Sanders was voted twenty pounds " to carry on his case against Wheelright 
at Portsmouth." (This was a suit under the famous " Wheelwright claim.") June 29, 1752, Edward 
Flint was voted thirty pounds " to carry on his case against Londonderry at Portsmouth." In November, 
1753, he was voted forty pounds more " to continue his case." January 1, 1753, fifty pounds was voted 
to prosecute trespassers on the land previously granted " the first minister of Timberlane, now called 
Eampstead." November 20, 1758, four hundred and seventy eight pounds twelve shillings, New Hamp- 
shire, old Tenor, was voted Nathaniel P. Sargeant, Esq., " for his services in David Heath's and other 


"In the House of Eepvcs June 8. 1853- Eead and Ordered that the 
Prayer of the Petr he so far granted as that the Petr recieve out of the 
publick Treasury the sum of four hundred Sixty Eight pounds upon Loan 
free of Interest for the term of five years. He first giving Bond with 
suflicient sureties for the payment of said sum at the expiration of the time 
abovementioned " 

T. Hubbard Spkr 
In Council June 12, 1753 

Head & non Concur'd 

Thos. Clarke Dpty Secry 

In the House of Repves June 13. 1753. The House entered again into 
the consideration of the vote passed upon this Petn the 8th Currt at the 
desire of the Honble Board and after Debate and Mature Consideration 

Voted, that the House adhere to their vote as then sent up to the Honl 

Sent up for concurrence 

T. Hubbard Spkr 
J Willard Secry 

In Council, June 13, 1753 ; Read & Concur'd 

Consented to 

S. Phips 
As will be seen from the foregoing petition, the long continued and vex- 
atious border troubles were at last drawing to a close. The last notice we 
find of them in our records is that where, in 1759, the Proprietors chose 
a committee" to settle with the proprietors of the " Mason claim" to the 
township of Salem. This brought up the rear of the long and motley 
procession of troubles, vexations, and suits, that had for more than a third 
of a century been fastened upon our town, and we feel a decided relief in 
thus closing our history of this, by no means insignificant, " Border War." 

* Joseph Badger, Jr. 



1729 TO 1741. 

At the annual town meeting for 1729, a proposition was made to raise 
one hundred pounds for " school money," and though it was voted down, 
yet the proposal is significant of an increasing interest in the cause of 
popular education. At this time, in addition to the " Grammar" School, 
(which was kept in constant operation, although moved quarterly from 
place to place about town,) there were other schools, termed "Common" 
schools, kept a few weeks each, annually, in various parts of the town. 
School houses were not yet erected in all the places where schools were 
wanted, and it was therefore quite common to keep them in private houses. 
Thus we find that in 1725 a school was kept " one quarter" in the house 
of Samuel Ayer ; in 1727, one quarter each in the houses of "Widow 
Currier," and William Johnson; in 1730 one quarter at John Clements; 
and in 1732, three quarters at the house of Eeuhen Currier. 

In the preceding chapter we alluded to the employment, by Massachu- 
setts and New Hampshire, of agents in England, to manage their afi^airs 
before the King and Council. The cost of supporting such agents had now 
become so great that the General Court called upon the towns to assist 
in defraying the expenses. At a meeting called for that purpose, this town 
voted to raise fifty pounds, to be delivered to Colonel Richard Saltonstall, 
the representative, and by him to the Committee of the General Court. 
This not only shows the interest of the town in the great question then 
beginning to excite so much attention, but also the readiness of its inhabi- 
tants to bear their full proportion of the public burden. That this large 
contribution was not an isolated case, is abundantly shown by the records 
of a subsequent period. 

On the 26th of October of this year, twenty-nine members of the first 
church, residents in that part of Methuen, now Salem, N. H., had permis- 
sion granted to embody themselves into a church in that place. They l^ad 
already built themselves a new meeting house. 

At the annual meeting in 1730, the proposition to raise one hundred 
pounds for schools was again brought forward. This time it was. coupled 
with the condition that one-half of the sum should be appropriated for the 
support of "the Grammar School near the meeting house;" — but 
the plan again failed. 


The inhabitants of the " North Precinct." were this year allowed ten 
pounds from the Town treasury toward the support of a minister, and 
almost immediately they gave a Mr. Haynes an invitation to settle, but he 
declined. Soon after, they extended an invitation to Eev. James Gushing, 
a son of Eev. Caleb Gushing of Salisbury, who accepted, and was ordained 
in December. On the 1st of November, forty-six members of the first 
church, requested and obtained a dismission, " for the purpose of uniting 
in a church state in the North Precinct." The church was organized 
November 4, 1730. 

This year, (1730,) in addition to the regular board of five Selectmen, 
three persons, — Nathan AVebster, Sergeant Joseph Emerson, and Deacon 
Daniel Little — where chosen " Overseers of the Poor." This was the first 
time such officers were chosen by the town. They were regularly chosen 
annually from this time until 1735, when they were discontinued, and their 
duties again assigned to the board of Selectmen. The office was not again 
revived until 1801. 

The North Precinct, having settled a minister among them, made appli- 
cation the next spring to the Proprietors for a grant of land for him. They 
promptly gave him a piece containing about twenty-nine acres. 

From the Proprietors Eecords for 1731, we learn that Joseph Whittier 
and Moses Hazzen petitioned them for permission to build a wharf on the 
Merrimack, near " Mill Brook; which was granted, on condition that they 
kept the two bridges near them in repair " forever," paid fifty pounds, and 
built a good wharf, at least one hundred feet wide, and from the highway 
to low water mark ! We think these terms were stringent enough to satisfy 
the sharpest of the sharp bargain makers among them. 

Under this date, Mirick, in his history of the town, has the following : — 

" About this time an afi"air happened which was rather derogatory to the 
characters of those concerned. The Commoners had fenced a certain part 
of the ox-common with split rails. This was very much disliked by the 
non-commoners living in the north part of the town, and they determined 
to be revenged. They soon concerted a plot, and a small party assembled 
near flaggy meadow, on the night appointed to execute it, carried the rails 
into large piles, and set them on fire. The loss of the rails was but trifling 
when compared with the other damage done by the fire. The earth was 
dry, and it run through the woods, and continued to burn for many days." 

From the fact that for several years preceding, and even after the above 
date, these parties were at peace with each other, having settled all their 
disputes, we think the above described incident must have taken place 
about 1724, or 1725, at which time these common dispixtes were at their 


At the annual meeting in 1732, the " proffit of the Parsonage farm" 
(that is, the money received for the annual rent of it) was voted to be given 
to the North Parish until there should be another Parish in town. 

At the same time it was decided to " take an exact list of the Poles and 
Estates" in town, and for that purpose a committee was chosen. We 
think the committee must have made a short job of it, as the only future 
record we find relating to it, is a " bill paid Christopher Bartlett one day 
valuation Estates, six shillings." 

The earliest notice we find of shipbuilding in town, is the following, in 
the proprietors records, under date of June 18, 1733 : — 

" Henry Springer petitioning as followeth viz That he is willing & 
desirous to settle in the Town and Carry on the Trade of a Ship carpenter 
if he might have suitable encouragement. But having no place of his own 
to build on prays the grant of so much Land betwixt the highway by the 
hurrying place, and the River or where the vessell now stands on the Stocks 
as would accommodate him for a building Yard." "Upon which petition 
after mature consideration it was voted that he should have so much, 
provided that he settled in the town of Haverhill & Carried on the Trade 
of a Ship Carpenter, or that some other person built in the same place in 
his room, and no Longer." 

We are not to suppose from the above, that Springer was the first ship- 
builder in town, or that he was the only one who could build, or had built, 
ships here ; because, as we have already noticed, wharves had been built, 
and vessels employed, for many years previous. And from the fact that 
the size and finish of the " vessels " of that day required far less skill and 
capital in their construction, than do those of our own time, we may safely 
presume that they had not only been for some time previously employed in 
the commerce of the town, but were also built here. Indeed, the fact that 
Springer in his petition refers to a vessel then on the stocJcs, is, we think, 
sufficient to establish our point. But that Springer was the first person 
who carried on shipbuilding as a regular business in the town, we are 
inclined to believe, from the fact that his name is the first that appears in 
that connection in either of the Eecords, which are so minute in all such 
mutters, that if it had been otherwise, we should without doubt have 
found the name of his predecessors. 

In March of the following year, the large island in Island Pond was 
disposed of by the proprietors of Haverhill, to Eichaid Saltonstall. It was 
estimated to contain two hundred acres, one-half of which was given him 
in consideration of valuable services rendered the proprietors, and the 
remaining half sold to him for thirty shillings per acre. 


Early in the spring of the same year (1 734) the appearance of a few- 
very large and uncommon " catterpiller " was noticed in the woods of the 
town. These rapidly increased until the trees were nearly covered, 
and a vast amount of damage was done by them. The following inter- 
esting account of them, we copy from a memoranda left by Dr. Joshua 
Bailey of this town : — 

" In the year 1734 there was as soon as the leaves began to appear on 
the Oak trees a catterpiller in spots in our woods in Haverhill the red & 
black oaks chiefly & in the year 1735 there was 100 for one of what 
appeared last year & in 1736 the number was astonishing for they covered 
almost the whole of the woods in Haverhill & Bradford & part of Methuen 
Chester & Andover and in many other places near Haverhill many thou- 
sands of acres of thick woodland the leaves and tender twings of the last 
years growth were wholly eaten up to the wholly killing of many of the 
trees & others had most of the limbs killed & if providence had continued 
them to a 4th year we should not have a tree left in most of the places they 
seemed to like the red & black oak but when they had destroyed the leaves 
of the oak they cleared all before them and you might travel miles in some 
places and see no green leaves on any but a few trees that were standing 
single and in midsummer the wood was as naked as midwinter they were 
larger than our common catterpiller and made no nests the trees in some 
places completely covered with them and they would travel from tree to 
tree no river or pond stopped them for they would swim like dogs and 
travelled in great armies and I have seen Houses so covered with them 
that you could see little or no part of the building on every leaf of a tree 
you might see more or less of them." 

Eichard Kelley, of Amesbury, in his diary, described them as " larger 
than the orchard caterpillr, but smooth on the back with a black streak 
with white spots." And he adds, — " they are thought by many to be the 
palmer worm." 

In 1734, the inhabitants of the easterly part of the town petitioned to be 
set off into a separate Parish by themselves, which was agreed to by the 
town, and the dividing line run. But some of the inhabitants of the 
proposed new parish, being opposed to a separation, made such vigorous 
efforts against it, that when application was made to the General Court to 
perfect the work, it not only refused to do so, but ordered the petitioners 
back to the old Parish. "=■' 

Immediately after, the people of the westerly part of the town, (between 
whom and those of the easterly part there appears to have been an " under- 

° The petition was signed by Nathaniel Peaslee, " for himself and others." 



standing" in this matter) made a similar application, which was granted, 
and the west part of the town set off into a distinct Parish, called the "West- 
Parish. The inhabitants of the new Parish immediately commenced tht 
building of a meeting house, which was completed the same fall. It stood 
one mile east of the present brick meeting house in the above Parish, on 
the south west corner of the cross road, and where Timothy J. Goodrich now 
lives. Soon after, a call was extended to Eev. Samuel Bachellor, who ac- 
cepted, and was ordained in the following July. Seventy-seven members of 
the first church requested and received a dismission, for the purposes 
of forming the new church. 

In 1734, also, the North Parish "burying ground" was laid out, the 
land being given for that purpose by the Haverhill Proprietors. It was the 
same ground which is still occupied for the same purpose, — a short distance 
above the house of Jesse Clement, Esq. 

In March, 1735, the town, for the first time, voted " to mend and repair 
the highways by a rate." The prices fixed upon for labor, were, four 
shillings per day for a man, and two shillings for a yoke of oxen. The 
surveyors were to be the judges of a day's work. Though the town voted 
as above, we do not find that a separate sum was voted to be raised as a 
highway rate, or tax, until 1754 — twenty years after. 

At the annual meeting in 1736, the town voted to divide the income 
from all the parsonage land west of the Sawmill Eiver (Little Eiver) equally 
between the North and West Parish. The same year, the Proprietors gave 
the West Parish forty acres of land, and also gave their minister, the Eev. 
Mr. Bachellor, seventy acres for his own use. 

In October of the above year, the Proprietors voted to survey all the 
meadows lying in common in the town, and divide them among themselves. 
The proportion each should receive was to be governed by the original 
grants of "accommodation" land. 

In May, 1735, a Mr. Clough, of Kingston, N. H., having examined the 
throat of a hog which died of a throat disease, was himself suddenly at- 
tacked with a swelling of the throat, and lived but a few days. Three 
weeks after, three children in his neighborhood were attacked in a similar 
manner, and died in thirty-six hours. From this, the disease spread 
rapidly, and proved fearfully fatal, particularly to children. It extended 
itself in all directions, passing through the British Colonies on the east, 
and into New York on the west. It was two years in reaching the Hud- 
son. Between June, 1735, and July, 1736, nine hundred and eighty-four 
died in fourteen towns of New Hampshire. It appeared in this town in 
October, 1736, and swept off more than one-half of all the children under 


fifteen years of age. Almost every house was turned into a habitation of 
mourning, and scarce a day passed that -was not a witness of the funeral 
procession. Many a hopeful son, or lovely daughter, arose in the morning 
with apparent perfect health ; but, ere the sun went down, they were cold 
and silent in thp winding-sheet of the dead. In many families, not a child 
was left to cheer the hearts of the stricken parents. Fifty-eight families 
lost one each ; thirty-four lost two each ; eleven lost three each ; five lost 
four each ; and four lost five each. One hundred and ninety-nine fell 
victims to the terrible distemper, in this town ! Only one of these was 
over forty years of age. 

The disease was attended with a sore throat, white or ash-colored spots, 
an efflorescence on the skin, great general debility, and, a strong tendency 
to putridity. Eev. John Brown, minister of the First Parish, published a 
particular account of this distemper, in a large pamphlet. Three of his 
own children were numbered among the victims. 

Shortly afterward, a pamphlet of seventeen pages of rhyme, concerning 
the ravages of this distemper, was published in Boston. We cannot resist 
the temptation to copy a couple of specimen verses : — 

<* To Neichury go and see 

To Hampfoii and Kingston 
To York likewise and Kitterij 

Behold what God hath done. 
The bow of God is bent abroad 

Its arrows swiftly fly 
Young men and maids and sucking babes 

Are smitten down thereby." 

The same disease appeared again in 1763, but in a much milder form. 

In 1737, the town voted to build an almshouse, so as to support their 
poor under one roof, instead of hiring them kept in private families. For 
some reason not given, it was not, however, commenced this year, but at 
the next annual meeting, it was again voted to build such an house, and 
it was done the same year. It stood just below Mill Brook, on the river 
side.-' The new system did not work as well as was expected, and a few 
years after, (1746) the town voted to sell the almshouse, and return to the 
good old plan of their fathers before them. 

o In 1747, Nathaniel Pcaslee petitioned the Proprietors for a piece of land "■where the almshouse now 
stands, beginning by ye Mill Brook about a rod below the Bridge, thence south to Merrimack River," &c. 
This was after the town had voted to sell the Almshouse. 


Though the town of Methuen was set oflF in 1725, it does not appear 
that the line between the two towns was actually settled until the year 
1737, when we find that Lieutenant Kichard Kimball, of Bradford, was 
chosen to " settle the line between Haverhill and Methuen." This did 
not, however, " settle " the matter, as we find that the next year the town 
ordered the selectmen to join with the selectmen of Methuen and run the 
line, — which they did. The line thus agreed upon has continued to 
the present time as the dividing line between the two towns. 

Among the things which call for mention in our history for 1738, is the 
petition of Hannah Bradley, of this town, to the General Court, asking 
for a gi-ant of land, in consideration of her former sufi"erings among the 
Indians, and "present low circumstances." In answer to her petition, 
that honorable body granted her two hundred and fifty acres of land, 
which was laid out May 29, 1739, by Eichard Hazzen, Surveyor. It was 
located in Methuen, in two lots, — the first, containing one hundred and 
sixty acres, bordering on the west line of Haverhill ; the other, containing 
ninety acres, bordering on the east line of Dracut. 

Mrs. Bradley's good success in appealing to the generosity of the Gen- 
eral Court,' seems to have stimulated Joseph Neff, a son of Mary NeiF, to 
make a similar request. He shortly after petitioned that body for a gi'ant 
of land, in consideration of his mother's services in assisting Hannah 
Duston in killing "divers Indians." NeflF declares in his petition, that 
his mother was " kept a prisoner for a considerable time," and " in their 
return home past thro the utmost hazard of their lives and Suff"ered 
distressing want being almost Starved before they Could Eeturn to their 

Accompanying Nefi"'s petition, was the following deposition of Hannah 
Bradley, which well deserves a place in our pages, for its historical interest. 
The document proves that Mrs. Bradley was taken prisoner at the same 
time with Mrs. Duston, and travelled with her as far as Pennacook : — 

" The deposition of the Widow Hannah Bradly of Haverhill of full age 
who testifieth & saith that about forty years past the said Hannah together 
with the widow Mary Neff were taken prisoners by the Indians & carried 
together into captivity, & above penny cook the Deponent was by the 
Indians forced to travel farther than the rest of the Captives, and the next 
night but one there came to us one Squaw who said that Hannah Dustan 
and the aforesaid Mary Nefi" assisted in killing the Indians of her wigwam 
except herself and a boy, herself escaping very narrowly, shewing to myself 


& others seven ■wounds as she said with a Hatched on her head which 
wounds were given her when the rest were killed, and further saith not. 


Hannah M Bradly." 


The above deposition was sworn to before Joshua Bayley, of Haverhill, 
June 28th, 1739. 

The General Court granted Neff two hundred acres of land. 

About this time (1738) a ferry was established on the Merrimack, about 
a mile and a half below the present chain ferry, and near where Follansbee 
Noyes now lives. It was soon after removed a mile up river, near the 
present house of David Nichols. 

The first rum distillery in town, was built about this time, as we find, 
under date of November 6, 1738, a petition from James McHard, to the 
Proprietors, in which he says : — " there is a small vacancy of land betwixt 
the parsonage Land and Merrimack river by Mr. Pecker's which I am 
informed belongs to the proprietors of Haverhill and I being about to build 
a Still House for the good of the Town of Haverhill and without any regard 
to my Own Interest, as I generally do," &c., and he therefore requests that 
they will give him liberty to erect his distillery on that lot. This they 
agreed to do, provided he built within three years. It stood on the stream 
(Mill Brook) near what is now the upper mill. 

About this time, the long row of sycamore-trees that, for a century 
afterward, added so much to the natural beauty of the " Saltonstall Seat," 
(now the residence of Mrs. Samuel W. Duncan) were set out.--' The work 
was done by one Hugh Talent, an "exile of Erin," and a famous fiddler 
withal. Tradition says that the village swains and lasses did not allow 
the cat-gut and rosin of this musical Talent to rust for want of use. He 
lived with Colonel Saltonstall, in the capacity of a servant. Poor Hugh ! 
For nearly three generations after he had " hung up his fiddle and his 
bow," the beautiful trees he planted, were the pride of our village, and the 
admiration of all who beheld them. Many an one, whose head is sprinkled 
o'er with the frosts of many winters, as he reads these lines, will call to 
mind the days and scenes of the time when the " Old Buttenwoods" were 
flourishing in all their glory, and will embalm their memory with a sigh — 
perhaps with a tear ! 

The summer of 1740 was as remarkable for the vast amount of rain 
which fell, and flooded the country, as the subsequent winter was for the 

** May 23, 1748, "R Saltonstall" petitioned the Proprietors for about one-fourth acre of land south of 
his homestead, " where he had lately planted some Button Trees." The petition was granted. 


severity of its cold. It was probably the most severe -winter that bad 
been known since the settlement of the country. After a very wet sum- 
mer and fall, November 4th it set in very cold. On the 15th, a foot of 
snow fell, but on the 22nd it began to rain, " and it rained three weeks 
together." This produced a freshet in the Merrimack, the like of which 
" was not known by no man for seventy years."-'' The water rose fifteen 
feet in this town, and floated oiF many houses. On the 12th of December, 
the river was closed by the severity of the weather, and before the 1st of 
January, loaded teams, with four, six, and eight oxen, passed from Haver- 
hill and the towns below, to the upper long wharf at Newburyport. The 
ice in Plumb Island Elver did not break up until the 30th of March, 
1741. There were twenty-seven snow storms during the winter, f 

By the running of the new line between Massachusetts and New Hamp- 
shire, in 1741, nearly one-third of the population, territory, and property 
of the town of Haverhill, fell to the north of the line. When to this is 
added the large portion set off for Methuen, in 1725, we find that more than 
one-half of its stock of all those elements which combine to make a first 
class New England town, had been taken from Haverhill within the short 
period of fifteen years. It was, indeed, a great change in its condition, 
and prospects, and must have been felt most seriously. 

Soon after the State line was run, the town instructed its selectmen to 
take an exact list of the polls and estates on the north side of the line, 
which was done, t The list is entitled "A List of Polls and Rateable 
Estate Eeal & Personal, for the Town of Haverhill in the County of Essex, 
Taken in the year 1741. This list contains only those living in that part 
of the town that falls into N Hampshire Province according to Mr Mitch- 
els Line."§ This document, which is still among the town's papers, 
contains the following names : — 

Abraham Annis, Edward Carlton, Jr, Obadiah Perry, 

John Currier, Timothy Johnson, Seth Patee, 

John Currier, Jur, "William Johnson, Benjamin Smith, 

Eichard Carlton, Peter Patee, Thomas Smith, 

o Stephen Jaques. t Rev. Mr. Plant. 

X The immediate cause which prompted this action, was the fact that those on the north side of the lino 
refused to pay taxes any longer to Haverhill, — or even those of the current year. 

§ Among the papers in the State Archives, is a petition of Nathaniel Rolfe, and John Russell, Jr., to 
the Gener.",l Court, in 1753, setting forth that when the State line was run in 1741, the meeting house in 
the North Parish, with two-thirds of the inhabitants, fell on the New Hampshire side, while the minister's 
house, and the greatest part of the land, fell on the Massachusetts side ; that sorne living on the latter side 
refused to pay their minister's rate, being in doubt about the power to raise money for such purposes; and 
therefore the petitioners asked that such power might be given them — if they did not then have it. The 
Court thereupon, April 7, 1733, resolved the portion south of the line into a separate and distinct Parish, 
with all the powers, Ac, of a Parish. 



John Smith, 
Jonathan AVheler, 
John Watts, 
John Webster, 
William Webster, 
Daniel AYhitiker, 
Benjamin Wheler, 
Stephen Wheler, 
David Copi?, 
Moses Copp, 
Thomas Crawfford, 
Jonathan Coborn, 
John Dow, Jur, 
Stephen Emerson, Jur, 
Peter Easman, 
William Easman, 
Eoberd Emerson, Jur, 
Benjamin Emerson, 
Jonathn Emerj, 
Humphry Emery, 
Eichard Flood, 
Eoberd Ford, 
Joseph Gill, 
Moses Gill, 
Ebenr Gill, 
John Heath, 
James Heath, 
David Heath, 
James Heath, Jur, 
Eichard Heath, 
Jonathan Hutchens, 
Thomas hall, 
Benjamin heath, 
Zacariah Johnson, 
Micael Johnson, 
Stephen Johnson, 
Stephen Johnson, Jur, 
John Kent, 
Jonathn Kimball, 
Nathaniel Knight, 
John Kezar, 
Jonathan Merrill, 
Nathaniel Merrill, 
James Mills, 
Joseph Page, 
Jonathan Page, 
Caleb Page, 

Timothy Page, 
Benjamin Eichards, 
Samuel Stevens, 
John Stevens, 
Nehemiah Stevens, 
Samuel Stevens, Jur, 
William Stevens, 
Jonathan Stevens, Jur, 
Joseph Stevens, Jur, 
Samuel Worthen, Jur, 
Jonathn Whitiker, 
James AVhite, 
Israel Webster, 
Thomas Pope, 
Edmand Page, 
Timothy Noyse, 
George Little, 
Daniel Little, 
George Little, Jur, 
Samuel Little, 
Joseph Little, 
Caleb Heath, 
Joshua Page, 
John Hogg, 
William Mackmaster, 
William Mackmaster, Jr 
Arter Boyd, 
Askebell Kinnicum, 
Askebell Forsh, 
Thomas Davison, 
Holbert morrison, 
William Hogg, 
Walter Mackfortin, 
John Stinson, 
Thomas Horner, 
Alexander Kelcy, 
Micael Gordon, 
Eoberd Mackcurdy, 
Peter Christy, 
William Callis, 
John Miller, 
Eobert Eeddel, 
Thorn Christy, 
William Gilmore, 
Paul Mackfarten, 
James Macfarten, 
James Adums, 
James Adums, Jur, 

Daniel Mackcafee, 
Heugh Mackcafee, 
John Mackcafee, 
James Gilmore, 
Samuel Patterson, 
William Chambers, 
Samuel Graves, 
James Graves, 
Moses Tucker, 
William Hancock, 
Nathll Heath, 
Lemuel Tucker, 
John Hunkins, 
John Atwood, 
Othro Stevens, 
Eliphelet Page, 
John Muzzee, 
Wait Stevens, 
Samuel Anderson, 
Nathll Wackfarlee, 
John Mackcaster, 
Eoberd Gilmore, 
Jonathan Coborn, Jur, 
Daniel Poor, 
Jonathan Dusten, Jur, 
Moses Trussel, 
Capt Nicolas White, 
Francis Smiley, 
John Smiley, 
Heugh Smiley, 
Capt Christopher Bartlet, 
Nathaniel Bartlet, 
Jonathan Bradlee, 
John Bradlee, 
Joseph Beartoe, 
Obadiah Clements, 
Abraham Chase, 
Thomas Cheney, 
Josiah Copp, 
Timothy Dow, 
John Dow, 
Peter Dow, 
John Dusten, 
David Emerson, 
Ephraim Emerson, 
Timothy Emerson, 
Heugh Pike, 
Joseph Earwine, 



Samuel Eaton, 
Thomas FoUensby, 
Danuel Gile, 
Nehemiah Heath, 
John Heath, Jur, 
Samuel Heath, 
Joseph Heath, Jur, 
William heath, 
Josiah heath, 
Bartholomew heath, 
John Herriman, 
Leonard Harriman, 

Leonard Harriman, Jur, 
Mathew Harriman, 
Abner Herriman, 
Joseph Herriman, 
Henry Haseltine, 
Edman Hale, 
Jonathan Johnson, 
AVid mary Kimball, 
Samuel Kimball, 
Jonathan Roberds, 
Jonathan Stevens, 
Moses Stevens, 
Samuel Smith, 

Nathaniel Smith, 
Thomas Worthin, 
Samuel Worthin, 
John Pollord, 
Nathll Tucker, 
Samuel Brown, 
Benjamin Stone, 
Nathaniel Johnson, Jur, 
moses Jackman, 
Benjamin Pettingall, 
John French, 
Nathll Gatchell. 

Following the list, is a certificate, signed by Joshua Bayley, Justice of 
the Peace, setting forth that the selectmen were duly sworn to perform the 
duty assigned them, on the 9th of December, 1741. 

The relative extent and value of the portion which fell to New Hamp- 
shire on the settlement of the boundary line, may be seen from the 
following, which we copy from the last page of the above document : — 

"Without New Hampshire Line,. 
Within the Line 





































The following list of names, includes all in that part of the town south 
of the new State line, and east of the AVest Parish line ; or, in other words, 
all those in what is now the First, the North, and the East Parishes. 
They are copied from a document, entitled 

" The Town Rate for the East Part of Haver hill a List of That Part of 
the Tax made By the Assessors of Haverhill on December ye 10 1741 for 
Benjamin Gale Constable and Collector of said Part of the town to Collect 
and pay into The Town Treasury" 

James Ayer, 
John Ayer, 
David Ayer, 
Timothy Ayer, 
Samuel Ayer, 
Samuel Apleton, 
William Otterson, 
John Ayer, Jur, 
William Ayer, 

Joseph Badger, 
Coll Joshua Bayley, 
Isaac Bradley, Jur, 
Daniel Bradley, 
AVilliam Bradley, 
Joseph Bond, 
Ebenezer Belknap, 
James Bradbcry, 
Moses Belknap, 

James Black, 
John Boynton, 
Obadiah Belknap, 
Andrew Bryant, 
Ebenezer Buck, 
Jonathan Buck, 
Joseph Badger, Jur, 
Barnabas Bradbery, 
Samuel Clements, 



Moses Clements, 
Euben Currier, 
Caleb Currier, 
Jacob Chase, 
Abncr Chase, 
Bichard Colbey, 
Isaac Colbey, 
Ezra Chase, 
John Cogswell, 
jSTathaniel Cogswell, 
John Clement, Jur, 
Elesander Camball, 
Ebenezer Colbey, 
John Bradbery, 
Samuel Dow, 
Josiah Chandler, 
Isaac Dalton, 
William Davis, 
Daniel Davis, 
John Davis, Jun, 
Moses Davis, 
Ephraim Davis, 
Eobert Davis, 
Samuel Davis, Jur, 
Thomas Duston, 
John Duston, 
David Dodg, 
Thomas Diamond, 
John Edwards, 
Timothy Eaton, 
John Eaton, 
Moses Eaton, 
Israel Ela, 
John Ela, 
Samuel Ela, 
Jacob Ela, 
Nathaniel Edwards, 
Eichard Emerson, 
Daniel Ela, 
Abiel Foster, 
Edward Flynt, 
William Follensby, 
John George, 
James Gile, 
Samuel Gile, 
Joseph Grelee, Jur, 
Peter Green, 
Benjamin Grelee, 

John Gage, 
AVilliam George, 
Benjamin Gale, 
John Green, 
Gideon George, 
Eobert Hunkins, Jur, 
David Hutchens, 
Eobert Hastins, 
Eobert Hastins, Jun, 
Eichard Hazzen, 
Moses Hazzen, 
Jonathan Haseltine, 
Eobert Hunkins, 
James Holgate, 
William Handcock 
Zachariah Hanniford, 
George Hastins, 
Jonathan Haseltine Jur, 
Timothy Haseltine, 
Benjamin Haseltine, 
John Haseltine, 
Daniel Herrick, 
Stephen Huse, 
Samuel Hunt, 
Thomas Hunkins, 
John Heuston, 
Thomas Johnson, 
Daniel Johnson, 
Marverick Johnson, 
Samuel Johnson, 
Nathaniel Knolton, 
Joseph Kelley, 
Joseph Kelley Jur, 
Abner Kimball, 
Abraham Kimball, ^ 
Ebenezer Kezer, 
John Kezer, Jur, 
John Howard, 
Jonathan Lufkin, 
Thomas liittle, 
James Mehard, 
David Marsh, 
John Morrowson 
Nathan Merrill, 
William Morse, 
Bradbery Morrowson, 
Jonathan Marsh, 
Capt John Pecker, 

Nathaniel Page, 
Abraham Page 
James Pearson, 
James Pearson Jur, 
Eobert Peaslee, 
Amos Peaslee, 
Cornelius Page, 
Nathaniel Peaslee, 
Lewes Page, 
Abraham Page Jur, 
Jeremiah Page, 
Joshua Page, 
Eobert Toney, 
Ezekiel Page, 
Joseph Palmer, 
Philip Eowel, 
Eowland Eideout, 
Wid Hannah Eoberds, 
Col Eichard Saltonstall, 
James Sanders, 
Samuel Smith Jur, 
Nathaniel Sanders, 
John Sanders, 
Jacob Sanders, 
John Sweat, 
Henry Springer, 
Jonathan Springer, 
John Sawyer, 
Samuel Shepard, 
Jonathan Shepard, 
Jonathan Simons, 
Nathan Simons, 
John Simons, 
Nathan Simons Jur, 
George Sanclar, 
Philip Stanwood, 
Samuel Simons, 
Edward Thompson, 
Jonathan Tyler, 
Joseph Tyler, 
Samuel White, 
John White, 
Samuel White Jur, 
John White Jui', 
Joseph AVhittier, 
Ebenezer Whittier, 
David Whiting, 
John Whiting:, 



Joseph "VTillson, 
Ezckiel WillsoD, 
"William Willson, 
Jolm Willson, 
Grant Webster, 
Benjamin Wooster, 
John Wells, 
Jacob Woodward, 
Nathaniel Woodman, 
Nathaniel Walker, 

Thomas Cheney, 
Josiah Copp, 
Benjamin Clements, 
Timothy Dow, 
John Dow, 
Peter Dow, 
John Davis, 
Joseph Emerson, 
David Emerson, 
Ephraim Emerson, 

Wid Elizabeth Whittier Eobert Emerson, 

Thomas Whittier, 
John Willson Jur, 
Israel Young, 
William Towusend, 
James Bly, 
Stephen Dow, 
Samuel Duston, 

Timothy Emerson, 
Hough Pike, 
Joseph Earwine, 
Jabesh Emerson, 
Samuel Eaton, 
Thomas Follcnsby, 
Daniel Gile, 

widw Mehitebal EmersonJoscph Heath, 
Nehemiah Emerson, Nehemiah Heath, 

Thomas Mingo, 
Benjamin Moody, 
Capt Nicolas White, 
Joseph Mulikin, 
Timothy Hardy, 
Francis Smiley, 
John Smiley, 
Heugh Smiley, 

John Heath Jur, 
Samuel Heath, 
Joseph Heath Jur, 
W^illiam Heath Jur, 
Josiah Heath, 
Bartholomew Heath, 
John Herriman, 
Leonard Harriman, 

Capt Clnistrpher BartletLeonard Harriman Jr 

Nathaniel Bartlet, 
Jonathan Bartlet, 
John Bradlee, 
Joseph Beartoe, 
John Clements, 
Obadiah Clements 
Abraham Chase, 

Matthew Han-iman 
Kicliard Harriman, 
Abner Harriman, 
Joseph Harriman, 
Stephen Harriman, 
Joshua Harriman, 
Henry Haseltine, 

Edmand Hale, 
William Johnson, 
Thomas Johnson, 
Nathaniel Johnson, 
John Johnson, 
Cornelius Johnson, 
Jonathan Johnson, 
Daniel Johnson Jur, 
Wid Mary Kimball, 
Samuel Kimball, 
Jonathan Roberts, 
Jonathan Stevens, 
Moses Stevens, 
Samuel Smith, 
Nathaniel Smith, 
Thomas AVorthen, 
Samuel Worthen, 
William Whitiker, 
David AVhitiker, 
John Pollord, 
Nathaniel Tucker, 
Samuel Brown, 
John Steward, 
Benjamin Stone, 
Nathaniel Johnson Jur, 
John Chase, 
Humphrey Chase, 
Moses Morgin, 
Joseph Johnson, 
Moses Jackman, 
Benjamin Pettingall, 
John French, 
Nathall Gatchell, 
Nathan Haseltine, 
Nathaniel Green, 
Nathaniel phersen. 

We have not been able to find a list of the Polls in the AVest Parish, in 
1741. The nearest we can get, is 1745. But as, in all probability, very few 
changes were made in that part of the town in the interim, and as we are 
desirous to complete, as near as may be, a list of all the Polls in the town 
at this period of its history, we give below the names in that parish for 
1745. They are as follows : — 

Decon Peter Aycr, Lut Thomas Bayley, 

Doct AAllliam Ayer, Dec Joseph Bradley, 

Simon Ayer, Amos Bayley, 

Jacob Aycr, Ebenezar Brown, 

Neamiah Bradley, 
AAllliam Bayley, 
Ebenezer Bayley, 
John Buck, 



Jercmiali Baylcy, 
HuQiphrej Bayley, 
William Borman, 
Cor Edward Carlcton, 
Peter Carlton, 
Nathaniel Clement, 
John Corliss, 
Thomas Corliss, 
John Corliss Jr, 
Samuel Currier, 
Nathaniel Clement Jr, 
Nathaniel Chase, 
Samuel Clement, 
Jiimes Cook, 
Joseph Corliss, 
Nathaniel Duston, 
Jonathan Daston, 
Nathaniel Duston Jr, 
Thomas Eatton, 
James Eatton, 
Joshua Emery, 
Timothy Emerson, 
Simuel Emerson, 
Joseph Emerson jr, 
John Emerson, 
Mical Emerson, 
Joseph Emerson tr, 
Jonathan Emerson, 
Stephen Emerson, 
Jonathan E-itton, 
Jonathan Emerson Jr, 
Obadiah Emerson, 
Peter Emerson, 

Joseph Emerson 4th, 
Ithamor Emerson, 
Samuel Cage, 
Stephen Gage, 
Capt Philip Hasltinc, 
Dec Samuel Hasltinc, 
Thomas Haines, 
Joseph Haines, 
Samuel Hutchings, 
Joseph Hutchings, 
Nathan Hutchings, 
Josej^h Heseltinc, 
Samuel Hutchings Jr, 
Jeremiah Heseltine, 
Jonathan Haines, 
James Haseltine, 
Nathaniel Haseltine, 
John Haseltine, 
Eldad Ingalls, 
John Kezzer 
Ens Daniel Ladd, 
Ens John Eadd, 
Daniel Ladd Jr, 
Timothy Ladd, 
Nathaniel Marble, 
Epheram Marsh, 
Samuel Marble, 
Jonathan Marble, 
John Marble, 
Joseph Merrile, 
^yido Euth Merriel, 
Andrew Mitchel, 
Cap James Mitchel, 

Phillip Mitchel, 
William Mitchel, 
John Mitchel, 
Nathaniel Merriel, 
Timothy Messer, 
Benjamin Hilton, 
James Nimock, 
Edward Ordiway, 
Thomas Page, 
Thomas Page Jr, 
Beniamian Patec, 
Samuel Standley, 
Mathew Standley, 
John Silver, 
John Silver Jr, 
Samuel Silver, 
John Smith, 
John Stward, 
Nathan Webster, 
Thomas Webster, 
Jonathan Webster, 
Stephen Webster, tr 
Samuel AVebster, 
Nathaniel Webster, 
Stephen Whiteier, 
Samuel Whiteier, 
Samuel Watts, 
Stephen Webster, 
Ebenezer Webster, 
Daniel Williams, 
John Watts Jr, 
Stephen Webster Jr, 
Baracrah Varnon. 

Previous to taking leave of our friends on the north of the line, who 
were thus suddenly, and without their consent, transferred to another 
State jurisdiction, we can do no less than insert a brief sketch of their 
subsequent history.* We commence with 

Hampstcad. — This town is made up of two segments, one from Haver- 
hill, the other from Amesbury, being cut off from those towns by the State 
line in 1741. It was originally called Timherland, or Timberlane, on ac- 
count of the abundance of its timber. 

The Indians never made it a place of abode, if we except one or two 
who lived temporarily at " Angly Pond," in the northeast part of the town. 

° TliDSe portions of ILivirhill and Amesbury wh'ch loll to tlio north of the new lino, were soon after 
incorporatL-d by the General Court of New Ilampsh'rc into a District, under the name of '•Haverhill 
District," and continued to be known by that name until finally divided and incorporated into towns. 


The first families of white settlers were Ford, Heath, and Emerson. The 
latter was from Haverhill, and settled near a brook in the south part of 
the town, where his descendants still reside. 

From a petition of Eichard Hazzen to the General Court of Xew Hamp- 
shire, under date of May, 1748, "in behalf of that part of Haverhill 
District commonly called Timberland," we learn that " two thirds of Eev, 
Mr. Cushing's hearers (exclusive of Timberland) live on the north side 
of the Boundary line," and that in November, 1747, the district voted 
that those on the north side should pay two hundred pounds as their pro- 
portion of Mr. Cushing's salary, but at a legal uaeeting held afterward, the 
inhabitants of Timberland were set off from Mr. Cushing's parish. He 
therefore prayed for power to levy a rate for their own minister, which 
was granted. 

A meeting-house was built, and a minister settled-' the same year, 
(1748). Eev. Mr. Barnard, of Haverhill, preached the ordination ser- 
mon. The first article in Mr. True's agreement, was, " That he should 
have the parsonage lands, allotted by Haverhill to Timberlane, which was 
sometimes called Haverhill District, but now Hampstead, for the first set- 
tled minister."! 

The town was incorporated by its present name, January 19, 1749. 

Among the principal men of the new town, may be named Eichard Haz- 
zen, Daniel Little, and Captain John Hazzen, all of whom were originally 
from Haverhill. Eichard Hazzen, as will be seen from his petition in the 
preceding chapter, removed to Hampstead diiring the border troubles. He 
became one of the leading men of the town. In 1750, he surveyed, and 
made a map, of the whole of the eastern coast, from the Merrimack to the 
St. Croix rivers. After his death, his widow petitioned the General Court 
of Massachusetts for aid. From her petition, we learn that Hazzen did 
not receive the money previously voted him by that body. He died, 
suddenly, on the road from Haverhill to Hampstead, in October, 1754. 

Daniel Little was also a prominent man in the town. By the act of 
incorporation, he was designated as the person to call the first town meet- 
ing under the charter. Eev. Daniel Little, the first minister at Kennebunk, 
Maine, was a son of the above. 

Captain John Hazzen, was a nephew of Eichard, and a man of great 
enterprise. After living several years in Hampstead, he went, as leader 

" Eev. Henry True. 

t The Church was not organized, however, until June 3, 1752. Sixty-eight persons united in its forma- 
tion, fifteen of whom were from the first church in Haverhill. ^ 


of a company, to settle a new town in northern New Hampshire, on the 
Connecticut, ami had the address to have the town named for his own 
place of nativity — Haverhill. 

Captain Hazzen was an officer in the old French War, and stood high 
in the estimation of government. Expecting a charter of a township in 
the " Coos," if he made a settlement therein, he, in 1761, sent on his cat- 
tle, with two men, Michael Johnston and John Pettie, (both also of Haver- 
hill, Massachusetts,) to commence such a settlement. In the spring of 
1762, Captain Hazzen went on himself, with hands and materials for build- 
ing a saw-mill and a grist-mill. = ■= 

It appears that Kingston claimed that part of Hampstead called Ames 
hury Peak, and, in 1760, writ after writ was served upon them to recover. 
It was finally settled in 1764, by giving Kingston "$1000 old tenor," 
and a grant of a new township near the Connecticut, which was called 
Unity, as it made Peace. 

Plaistoiv. — This town, a large part of which was originally a part of 
Haverhill, was incorporated as a town, February 28, 1749. Among its 
first settlers, who were nearly all Haverhill men, may be mentioned Cap- 
tain Charles Bartlett and Nicholas AVhite, Esq., both of whom were men 
of considerable prominence. Its first church was that of the Eev. Mr. 
Gushing, which fell a few rods to the north of the State line in 1741. 

Atkinson -wSiS set off from Plaistow, in 1767, and incorporated September 
3d of the same year. It was named in honor of the Hon. Theodore Atkin- 
son, a large landholder in the town, and one of the principal men of the 

*> Among those who accompanied him at this time, ivas Colonel Joshua Hoirard, of this toini. then 
twenty-two years of age. (1) Johnston was drowned the same season, while descending the Connecticut, 

(1) He died in Haverhill, N. H., in 1839, aged ninety-uine years. 
on a visit to his friends, and was buried on a small island, since known as Johnston's Island." Colonel 
Charles Johnston, (brother of the above,) Jesse Harriman, Thomas Johnson, David Merrill, and Ezekiel 
Ladd, all of Haverhill, were also among the earlier settlers of the new township. The latter afterward 
became one of the principal men of the place, and occupied the most responsible positions. He married 
Euth Hutchins, also of Haverhill, and died in 1818, aged eighty years. 

The wife of Mr. Ladd had seen and tasted some of the refinements of life, and in after years she often 
related her extreme mortification on the first Sabbath she attended meeting at her new home. She had 
been recently married, and thinking she must appear as well as any of her neighbors, she put on her 
wedding silks, with mufiled cuffs, extending from the shoulder to the elbow, and there made fast by bril- 
liant sleeve buttons. She wore silk hose, and florid shoes. Her husband, also, appeared in his best, and 
they took their seats early in the sanctuary. But, as she said, " they went alone, sat alone, and returned 
alone ; " for it was not possible for her to get near enough to any of the women to hold conversation with 
them. They were actually afraid of her, and kept at a safe distance lest they should spoil her dress. The 
next Sabbath she appeared in a clean check-linen dress, with other articles in accordance, and found no 
difficulty in making the acquaintance of her neighbors, who proved to be sociable and warm hearted friends. 
IMr. Ladd afterward became widely known as "Judge Ladd," and was highly respected and beloved.2 

2 Hist. Sketches Coos Co. p. 45. 


province. Previous to its incorporation, it was sometimes called New 
Castle. Settlements were made within the town's limits as early as 1727 
or 1728. The first permanent settlers were Jonathan and Edmund Page, 
and John Dow, — all of Haverhill. 

Nathaniel Cogswell, who for between thirty and forty years was a mer- 
chant in Haverhill, was among its first principal men.- The land for the 
first meeting-house was given by him. He was born in Ipswich, in 1707, 
and married Judith, a daughter of Joseph Badger, of Haverhill. Out of 
his nineteen children, he gave eight sons to the service of the Eevolution, 
who performed collectively thirty-eight years of service, and all survived 
the war ! All of his children were baptised in the first church at Haver- 
hill, f Mr. Cogswell was a man of large means, as well as patriotism, and 
loaned much money to his town to expend for the American cause. 

The first minister in Atkinson was the Eev. Stephen Peabody, of Ando- 
ver, Massachusetts, who was ordained November 25, 1772, at which time 
a church was formed. | He died in 1819, aged seventy-eight. 

Stephen Peabody Webster, of Haverhill, was the first person who en- 
tered college from Atkinson Academy. He was afterward Clerk of the 
Courts of Grafton County ; a Pepresentative, Senator, and Councillor. He 
for many years taught the Academy at Haverhill, N. H., and died there. 

Ezekiel Little was born in the West Parish of Haverhill, in 1762; 
graduated at Harvard College, in 178-1; taught school in Boston for many 
years ; was author of an arithmetic called The Usher, published at Exeter, 
in 1799 ; and during the latter part of his life resided at Atkinson, where 
he died in 1840, aged seventy-seven years. 

The first couple published in Atkinson were David Clement of Haverhill, 
and Dilley Ladd of Atkinson, in October, 1767. 

*> He Tvas a descendant of John Cogswell, -a merchant of London, who cnmc to Ipswich in 1635, and was 
made a freeman in 1636. On his passajre to this country he was wrecked, at Pcmcquid, Me. He died 
November 29, 16G9, leaving a wife and seven children. 

t Joseph Cogswell, who died at Tamworth, N. H., in 1851, was the last survivor of this large family 
of children. 

X Rev. Mr. Peabody married, first, Polly Hascltine, of Bradford, and second, Mrs. Elizabeth, widow of 
Piev. John Shaw, of Ilnvcrhill. The latter was sister of the wife of the first President Adams. She mar- 
ried Shaw in 1777, and Peabody in 1795. There is a generally credited tradition, that Mr. Peabody had 
consulted Mrs. Shaw, but a short time before her first husband's death, in regard to his own "lone" con- 
dition, and asked her advice as to the most suitable person to "share his joys and his sorrows." A par- 
ticular candidate for such a partnership was recommended and agreed to, but before suflieient t'me had 
elapsed to consult the third party, Mr. Shaw died, and, in his zeal to console the bereaved widow 
Mr. Peabody entirely forgot the claims of the original candidate, and was so soon announced as the 
" Iiapjiy man," that it was even whispered that the previous decision was' revised on the day of the 


Saism -Was incorporated as a District soon after the State line was run, 
in 1741, and as a Town, in 1750. In our search among the papers in the 
State Archives of Xew Hampshire, we found several interesting documents 
relating to the incorporation of that town. The first is a petition (with- 
out date, but probably 1746,) from thirty-one of the inhabitants of the 
west part of Haverhill District, praying to be set ofi" into a new parish or 
town.-' Following the above, is a petition from thirty-four of the inhabi- 
tants of the same locality, praying that they may 7iot be set off, as above. 
They say there are sixty or seventy families settled in the district referred 
to ; that they have been to a very groat expense in building a meeting- 
house, and settling a minister ; and though they do not object to a new 
toicm, they pray not to be disturbed as to their parish concerns.f After 
this comes a petition from fifty-nine of the inhabitants of the Haverhill 
District, praying for the new town, or parish. This evidently turned the 
scale and an act of incorporation was granted soon afterward. 

The first church formed in that part of Salem once belonging to Haver- 
hill, was organized in 1740, and before the State line was run. Eev. 
Abner Bailey was the first minister, and was ordained the same year. He 
died in 1798. 

Policy Pond, which lies partly in Salem and partly in "Windham, was 
formerly called " Haverhill Pond." A tract of land granted to Eev. Mr. 
Higginson, by the General Court, in 1715, began "upon said pond," and 
ran south " upon Haverhill Line," 730 poles to a tree " standing in Hav- 
erhill Line." 

° Among the names of the petitioners we noticed those of Thomas, Samuel, Caleb and Obadiah Duston. 
t Among these petitioners were eight by the name of Page, six named Knights, and four named Xoyes. 



1742 TO 1765. 

We liavc already noticed, under date of 173-i, the unsuccessful attempt 
of tlie inhabitants of the easterly part of the town to be set off into a sep- 
arate parish. We do not find that a second effort was made until 1743, 
when they were more fortunate than on the previous occasion, as will be 
seen from the following, which we copy from the original documents in the 
Archives of the State : — 

" To his Escy Wm Shirley Esq. Captain Genl & Govr in Chief over his 
Majesty's provence of the Massachusetts Bay in New Engd. and to" the 
honble his Majesty's Council, and to the honble House of Eepresentves in 
Genl Court assembled May 25. A D 1743. 

The petition of Us the Subscribers being Freeholders & Inhabitants of 
the Easterly part of the oldest or first Parish in Haverhill, humbly shew- 
eth — That the Meeting House now standing in said Parish was built in the 
year 1699, & then set suitable to accomodate the whole Town, for then 
the whole Town were but one Parish & about the year 1723 or 4 this Court 
was pleased to set off the Westerly part of the Town of Haverhill with 
divers of the Inhabitants into a Town called Mcthuen, & about the year 
1730 this Court was pleased to set off a Parish on the Northerly part of 
the Town of Haverhill, & about the year 1734 this Court was pleased to 
set off a parish at the AVesterly End of the then remaining or oldest Par- 
ish in Haverhill. 

And now, please your Excy & Hours, the Meeting House now in the 
old Parish stands but a mile at furthest off the West Parish Line, & 
the said Meeting House stands near six miles from the East End of said 
Parish, & we have petitioned to the said Parish for some Ease in this 
affair, & no help can be obtained as your Excy & Hours may plainly see 

by Copies herewith exhibited Therefore your poor Petrs pray that 

this honble Court would appoint a Committee to go «& view the whole 
Parish, & make Eeport to this Court whether it be not just & proper to 
divide the whole Parish into two equal halves or distinct Parishes by 
themselves, & to affix a Line between them, or otherwise to provide for the 
Ease & Eelief of your poor Petrs in the Case as your Excy & Hours shall 


in your Wisdom & wonted Goodness think best, so shall your poor dis- 
tressed Petrs ever pray as in duty bound &c. 

Nathaniel peaslee, Jolin Morrison, John Sanders, 

Joseph Grele, Green whicher, James Bradbury, 

Thos Cottle, . Benjamin Davis, Robert Hunkins, 

John George, Jacob Sanders, Abner Ches, 

Reuben Cui-rier, Humplirey Chas, Antony Colby, 

George Santeler, John Chase, Daniel Ela, 

Joseph Tyler, Robert Hunkins Jun, Benjamin page, 

Peter Green, Thomis Hunkins, Ezekiel page, 

Natiiaiiiel page, Ebenezer Colby, James holgate, 

Timothy Eaton, Richard Colby, William Georg, 

Moses Eatton, Isaac Colby, Gideon George, 

Abraham page, Samuel Ela, Jonathan Tyler 

Samuel Smith, Israel Eha, Jonathan Tyler Jr. 

Zechariah Hannaford, James Sanders, Samuel Davis, 

Lewis page, Robert Hastings, Samuel Davis Junr. 

Caleb Currier, Joseph Kelly, Jacob Chase, 

Robert Hastings Jun, Ephraim Davis, John Swett, 

Georg Hastings, Simeon Brown, Ebenezer Whittier, 

Joseph Kelly Jun, John Sanders, 

June 1, 1743, the above petition was read in the House of Represen- 
tatives, and the petitioners were ordered to serve the first parish with a 
copy of the petition, "that they may shew cause (if any they have) 
why the prayer thereof should not be granted." 

June 9th, a meeting was called to consider the matter, and Joshua 
Bayley and Captain James Pearsons were chosen a committee to make 
answer to the General Court in behalf of "the old parisli." The fol- 
lowing is their answer : — 

"To His Excellency William Shirley Esqr Governor and Com- 
mander in Chief in and over His Majesties Province of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay in New England : And to the Honorble His Majesties 
Council and Honorable House of Representatives in Generall Court 
assembled at Boston June ye 14th 1743. — 

The answer of the first or Oldest Parish in the Town of Haverhill, 
to the Petition of the Inhabitants of the Easterly part of said Parish, 
huml^ly sheweth. — 

That we dont pretend to deny but that the Meeting House in said 
Parish was erected in ye year IG99, and was then Suitable to ac- 
comodate the whole Inhabitants who were Settled, tho it was by no 
means near the center of the Town : We are also ready to own 
that a great part of Methuen was taken out of the Westerly Part 
of Haverhill, in ye year 1724. — 


That in the year 1730 an other Parish was set off by the name of 
the North Parisli, And in tlie year 1734, an other Parish was set off 
by the name of the West Parish, the said Parishes being north and 
west of our Meeting house. 

But that they have petitioned the Parish for ease in the affair and 
could obtain no help we absolutely deny, for that it may please your 
Excellency and Honours they were at their requests in the year 1734 
set off into a distinct and Separate Parish by a vote of the Parish & 
a line afixt between us as they desired, but many of the Inhabitants 
on the Easterly 'side of that line being against being a Parish. 
When the others petitioned this Great & Honourable Court to be 
vested with the powers and priviledges of a Parish it was denyed 
them, & they were turned back to the old Parish againe. 

We would farther humbly suggest to your Excellency and Honours 
that such persons who live in the Easterly part of the Parish & have 
made proper application, have been eased of their Burthen & charge. 

We your Respondents begg leave further to add that in the month 
of May last there was a vote passed to divide ye Parish, and a line 
was fixt which we hoped might make a peace in the Parish (tho at 
the same time we are humbly of opinion that the whole Parish will 
make but Two very lean Parishes when divided) & we set off all such 
persons and their estates who ware desirous to go to the new proposed 
Parish, Except two or three mentioned below, all tenants but one, 
but we could not but think it a verry great hardship to force any from 
us who were desirous to tarr^^ with us, more espetially if they must 
go farther to the new Meeting-house then to come to the Old One, 
and we are yet Humbly of the same Opinion & think they had no 
ground for such complaint. May it please your Excellencies and 
Honours, it appears to us that we have been tenderly thoughtful in 
what we have done relating to a divisional line, having set off near 
one half of the Land & near Sixty Families, yea all that have desired 
it except two or three men which by our own Act may go with 
tlieir estates to the new Parish if they please. 

Upon the whole we hope that your Excellencies & Honours will 
not think it needful to send up a Comittee or to force any from the 
Old Parish that cannot be willing to be parted from it. 

We beg that your Excellencies and Honours will be pleased to 
have a tender regard to the Old Parish that was once the Center 
of a verry large Town is now become (by the loss of almost all 
Methuen & three separate Parishes) to be verry small. We would 
further observe to your Excellencies & Honours that altho the East- 
erly part of old Parish was set off in the year 1734 & a line fixt 


nearer to the old Meeting House than the dividing line fixt in May 
last, which was occationed by the West Parish (not then set off) 
Joyning with the Eastermost part of the said old Parish & affixed 
the line where they pleased which had not been done had the West 
Parish been set off first. On the whole we humbly begg that your 
Excellencies & Honours will be pleased to do that for us which in 
your great wisdome shall be thought best for us, and your humble 
Kespondents as in duty bound shall ever pray &c. 

Joshua Bayley } Committee for & behalf of the 
James Pearson ) old Parish in Haverhill. 

June 14th, these petitions were read in the House of Representa- 
tives, and in Council, and a committee was appointed to visit Haver- 
hill, view the parish, hear the parties, and report. 

September 9th, the committee reported in favor of the petitioners 
for the new parish, and it was accordingly set off. The dividing 
line was the same as the present 

The town having been divided into parishes, a proposition was 
made to divide the parsonage lands among them, but it was not 
agreed to. 

The following interesting paragraphs, relating to the easterly part 
of the town, we copy from Mirick : — 

"The house of Dr. H. Brown, at Holt's Rocks, was destroyed by 
fire on the 22d of January (1748), and his daughter, aged 23 years, 
and a young man who was then living with him, a son of D. Currier, 
were burnt to death. Their remains were interred in a field, now 
overgrown with trees, owned by John Johnson Esq., and grave- 
stones erected to their memory. But they are thrown down and so 
broken and defaced, that the letters are nearly illegible. With the 
assistance of Mr, Johnson, we found them, lying flat on the ground, 
and nearly concealed from view. It is a very romantic situation, on 
the side of a hill covered with young sycamores, and which slopes 
gently until it reaches the Merrimack. This gentleman also informs 
us that other persons, principally infants, were buried in the same 
place ; but no monuments were erected to their memory, and the 
mounds have totall}'^ disappeared. 

The little village at the Rocks, increased very slowly. We were 
informed by Mr. Phineas Nichols, a venerable geiitleman, 94 years 
of age, that there were but four houses in 1750, and that he could 
distinctly remember them. They were owned and occupied by Dr. 
Brown, John Swett, Joseph Burrill, and Mr. Nichols's father. Dr. 
Brown moved to Fry burg, Maine, soon after." 


From tlie proprietor's records, of Nov. 21, 1743, we learn timt Ed- 
ward Flynt had leave granted him "to finish a vessel he had pat up 
on the banks of the river near his house," and alsf) to put up any 
others during the proprietors' pleasure. This is the first mention we 
find of ship-bnilding since the petition of Springer, ten years before. 

From the same records, we learn that John Ayer had recently built 
a "tan-house," on land given him by the proprietors for that ]>urpose, 
"in the rear of his father's garden,"* and had also built a bridge across 
the stream near it. In consideration that he would /c>re??er keep the 
bridge in repair, the proprietors granted him the piece of land west 
of his tan-house. 

By a vote of the town, the parsonage land was, in 1744, divided 
into lots. A highway, two and a half rods wide, was laid out through 
the lots "to near the mouth of Little River, and" over said river." The 
expense of the bridges was to come out of the sale of the lots. This 
highway was that now called 3ferriiv a ch Street. The lots were laid 
out on the north side of it, and numbered from east to west, the lot 
cornering on Merrimack and Main Streets, (known these many years 
as "White's Corner,") being "Lot Number One." 

The width of the highway through these lots forms a striking con- 
trast to that of the road from Sander's Hill to the Merrimack above 
Holt's Rocks, which was laid out among the first in the town. The 
latter was twelve rods vnde. This extreme width, however, became 
in time the cause of a deal of trouble to the town, and about the time 
of which we now write, the "twelve rod way" was almost continually 
before the town meetings. It was finally (1754) narrowed down to 
four rods in width, and the surplus, atiiounting to nineteen acres and 
eighty-two rods, sold to various persons along the line of the road. 

The setting up of ship-builders in town seems to have been fol- 
lowed, as a matter of course, by the establishment of more blacksmiths. 
Thus w^e find that, soon after Springer was allowed to set up the busi- 
ness, in 1733, John Gage petitioned the proprietors for liberty to set 
up a blacksmith's shop near the river, — which was granted; and no 
sooner had Flynt received permission to establish a ship-yard, than 
Edmund Greenleaf applied for liberty to set up a blackmith's shop 
near the same, — which was also granted. 

Having erected a meeting-house, and settled a minister, the East 
Parish immediately applied to the town for some land for a parson- 
age, which was granted the following spring (1745). The land thus 
laid out to them was valued at "£1200 old tenor." 

Thomas Cottle petitioned the town, in 1745, for liberty to estab- 

* Near the west end of Ayer's (now Plug) Pond. 


lish a ferry near his house; and as he represented that the ferry might 
"be sarvicable to the town and other travailers," and offered to ferry 
the town's people one-fourth cheaper than strangers, his petition was 
granted. This made the number of ferries across the Merrimack at 
that time, between the village and Holt's Ilocks, no less than five, 
viz : — Swett's, at Holt's Rocks ; Co'ttle'satthe mouth of East Meadow 
River (Cottle's Creek) ; Pattee's, near the present house of David 
Nichols; Mulikin's, where the chain ferry now is, and Griffin's, near- 
ly opposite the foot of the present Lindell Street, at the village. 

In 174(), the town voted to exempt the first, or "old" parish, from 
paying anything for any other school in town, provided they would 
keep a grammar school constantly in their own parish, at their own 

At this period, the rates, or taxes, were made out in "lists," and 
placed in the hands of collectors, who were usually constables.* As 
each man paid, his name was checked, and sometimes^ (if he was par- 
ticular to require it) he also received the collector's written receipt. 
The amount on each collector's book, or //5<,was charged to him, and 
he was obliged to pay the whole amount into the treasury, within a 
reasonable time, whether he had collected it or not. The only way in 
which he could dispose of a hard customer's tax, was, either to col- 
lect it in some way, or pay it out of his own pocket, or induce the town, 
by a special vote, to "forgive" him the amount. At first, the collec- 
tors were not allowed any pay whatever for their services ; and it was 
not until 1780 that a regular commission was given them. It was 
then voted to allow them a "Poundage of Four Pence on Twenty 

That the office was no sinecure, is seen from the fact that for more 
than a hundred years the town's rule was, that if a man was chosen 
constable, he must either "stand," procure a substitute acceptable to 
the town, or pay a fineof five pounds, unless he was "excused," which 
was not common. We could probably fill an entire page with the 
names of those who took the last-named horn of the dilemma. 

After the town was divided into })arishes, each parish collected its 
own minister tax, in its own way. The First Parish frequently col- 
lected its minister tax in the following manner : — A contribution, as 
it was called, was taken every Sabbath afternoon, when any per- 
son who wished to pay his tax in this manner, had liberty to pay such 
a sum as he pleased. Each person was ordered to fold his money in 
a paper, and write his name and the amount within. A person Avas 

*For many years there was only one constable, or collector, In the town. Afterward, two 
were chosen — one for the portion east of the Little River, the other for that on the west. Still 
later, one was chosen for each Parish. 


yearly appointed to receive these monies, and pass the amoniit to the 
credit of the name within written. It' no name was written within 
the paper, it was considered as a free gift to the minister, and was 
disposed of as snch. In the early days of the Colony, the contribu- 
tion was usxxally made by each going up to the "Deacons' seat," and 
depositing his offering. The magistrates and the chief men led off, 
and the others followed in order, down to the youngest, and the hum- 
blest. This custom declined about 1665. 

The following brief list of names of persons residing in this town, 
in 1747, with the trade or occupation of each, is compiled from vaii- 
ous papers in the State Archives, and is not without interest. We 
introduce it, as we introduce many other lists of names, principally 
for the purpose of aiding those who may be interested in tracing the 
genealogy and history of families : — 

James Pecker, an a Potacary, Jonathan Webster, Hatter, 
Edraond Mors, a Shoemaker or Cord- Andrew Frink, Shipwrite, 

winder, Nathaniel Knolton, Tayler, 

Daniel Appleton, Joyner, Mr Trask, Brick-Layer, 

James Parson, Husbandman. Ebenezer Hale, Cordwinder, 

John Byenton, Blacksmith, William Hancock, farmer, 
grant Webster, Marchant, 

The year 1748, was another j^ear of trouble in our town affairs, as 
will be seen from the array of documents which follow. 

At the annual meeting, March 1st, Nathaniel Peaslee was declared 
chosen moderator, whei-eupon Samuel White and fifteen others, pro- 
tested against his officiating, on the ground that "he was not chosen 
according to Law." After vainly attempting to have the proceed- 
ings conducted "according to law," the disaffected retired from the 
meeting, and those who remained proceeded to choose the other 
officers, and transact the other business of the town. 

The "bolters" did not, however, rest quietly under the new admin- 
istration, but immediately petitioned the General Court, in substance, 
as follows : — * 

The meeting of March 1st was called to order by Nathaniel Peaslee, 
one of the selectmen for the previous year, who ordered votes to be 

* The petition is dated March 3d, 1748, and signed by tifty-uiue of the inhabitants. 



brought in for a moderator, and was liimself elected, or chosen by a 
m.ijoi-ity of tico rotes. The petitioners claimed that several votes 
were cast illegally, and more than seven of them at the time "re- 
quested tliat the vote might be decided by tlie Poll, but the Modera- 
tor refused to allow it," and declared that the law of deciding votes 
by the Poll did not take place till after a moderator was chosen. The 
petitioners claimed that persons were allowed to vote at the meeting 
who were not qualified bylaw — were not "Inhabitants nor Freehold- 
ders in said Town of Haverhill, nor even in the Province of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, but in New Hampshire," and that the votes of some 
who were qualiiied were refused. The petitioners therefore prayed 
that some one might be appointed by the Court to look into the matter. 
The following are the names of the petitioners: — 

Henry Springer, Edward Flint, John Cogswell, 

Joseph Badge)-, James Pecker, Jacob Sanders, 

Nathaniel Walker, Nathaniel Johnson, John Sanders, 

Richard Harriraan, 

Stephen Hiise, 

Stephen Harriman, 

Joshua Sawyer, 

Richd Hazzen, 

James Chase, 

Nathaniel Rolfe, 

Nathll Balch, 

Andrew frink, 

Peter Ayer, 

Jacob Ayer, 

Ithamor Emerson, 

Simon Ayer, 

Samuel Hasaltine, 

Joshua Page, 

John Gage, 

Moses Clements, 

From a certificate attached to the petition, it appears that the pe- 
titioners held a meeting, and chose John Sanders and Peter Ayer to 
present their petition to the General Court. 

Accompanying the petition, the)' sent fourteen depositions, signed 
by twenty-eight of the other inhabitants of the town, in further sup- 
port of their charges. 

Other reasons for declaring the doings of the meeting of March 1st 
illegal are contained in a deposition of Joshua Sawyer, and others, 
under date of September 17, 1748, of which the following is an ex- 
tract : — 

"There was not any List of Valuation Read nor any List of Non Vo- 
ters nor any Wrighting of what name or nature Soever by Avhich the 

Abiier Kimball, 
Richard Emerson, 
Abraham Kimball, 
John Pecker, 
James McHard, 
Will hancock. 
Grant Webtser, 
John Sawyer, 
Samuel White, 
Benja Gale, 
Joseph Patten, 
Samll Ap|)leton, 
Samll White Jun, 
Edrnd jNIooers, 
Daniel Appleton, 
John Sm^'lie, 
Samuel Johnson, 

Nathll Sanders, 
Samuel Ayer, 
Thomas Haynes, 
John Ilinkley, 
David Ayer, 
Nathaniel Knowlton. 
Ebenezar Buck, 
Jonathan Simones, 
Daniel Davies, 
Edmund Greenleaf, 
Symonds Greenough, 
VVilliam Greenleaf, 
Ebenezer Hale, 
Nathan Haseltine, 
Jonathan Webster, 
Andrew Mitchel. 



Selectmen did Pretend to Shew who was qualified by Law to Vote in 
Town affairs nor who was not qualified to vote in Town affairs until 
after the second lime of Voting for the Moderator nor until some Con- 
siderable time after Mr Nathaniel Peasle Had taken the Seat of and 
Officiated as Moderator by Calling to the Peoj^le to Bring in their 

To the above mentioned petition, the selectmen of 1747 and 1748, 
and others of the inhabitants, made reply in substance, as follows : — 

The petition of Sanders and others contained false and abusive as- 
sertions ; the })etitioners were a number of uneasy persons, the greater 
part of whom came lately from other towns to reside among them, 
and Avere continually stiring up contentions in the town ; that lately 
many of them were engaged in a vile riot in town, for which some 
of them were to appear before the Hon. Judge Berry, at Ipswich, on 
the day of the annual meeting, had they not agreed with the man 
whom they had chiefly abused, for a considerable sum of money ; that 
they took advantage of the great depth of snow, and consequent in- 
ability of those living in the remote parts of the town from coming 
to the meeting, to gain some advantage to themselves ; that John 
Sanders was greatly prejudiced against moderator Peaslee, because 
the latter had exj^osed and prevented the former from obtaining more 
money from the Province than belonged to him, by a false account; 
the moderator was duly and legaly chosen, and had the Rev. Mr. Bar- 
nard open the meeting with prayer ; and many of the petitioners were 
not qualified to vote, and some were not even residents of the town. 

The petition is dated March 28, 1748, and signed by 

John Ladd, 
Jonathan Marsh, 
Thomas Dustin, 
Barachias Farnham, 


for ye yr 

A bom 


John Ladd, 
Thomas Johnson, 
William Ayer, 


for the 

Year A Dom 


Reuben Currier, 
Amos Peaslee, 
Joseph Grele, 
Thomas Eatton, 
Joseph Haseltine, 
Nathaniel Chase, 
Daniel Lad .Jun, 
Joseph Merrill, 
Richard Bayley, 
Daniel Johnson, 
Samuel Webster, 
John Gorge, 

Wm mitchel, 
Jon a mitchel, 
William George, 
Daniel Ela, 
Lewis Page, 

Ebenezer Colby, 
John Chase, 
Humphre}^ Chase, 
Israel Ela, 
Joseph Whittier, 

John Eatton, Town Clerk James Gild, 

Samuel Guild, 
Thos Cottle, 
moses Davis, 
Joseph Tyler, 
George Hastings, 
James Pike, 

Samuel Whiticker, Samuel Peaslee, 
David Whiticker, Ezra Chase, 

Abraham Page, 
Gideon George, 
Jacob Ela, 
Epliraim Marsh, 
John Haseltine, 
Jonathan Haynes, 
Edward Carleton, 
Stephen Webster Jun. 



Josepli Hutcliins, 
Jeremiah Bajley, 
Timotliy Emerson, 
Ebenezcr Bayley, 
Thomas Page, 
John Emerson, 
Amos Bayley, 
Jonathan Emerson Jun, 
James Haseltine, 
John marbel, 

Stephen AVhiticker, 
Edward ordway, 
Micah Emrson, 
Samuel Emerson, 
Nehemiah Bradly, 
Jonathan Emerson, 
James Eatton, 
Daniel Meerie, 
Jonathan Marble, 
Nathaniel Webster, 

Cornelius Johnson, 
Saml Shcpard, 
James holgatc, 
Ebenezr Whittier, 
John Green, 
Eobart Hunkin jr, 
John morrison, 
benjamin greely, 
Peter Green, 
Maverick Johnson, 

John Edwards, 
Joseph Kelly, 
James Sanders, 
Eobart Hunkins, 
Samuel Ela, 
Timothy Eatton, 
Phillip Haseltine, 
John Smith, 
Nathan Webster, 

Nathll Clement, 
Thomas Corlis, 
Joseph Dow, 
Joseph K el ley Jr, 
Samuel Davis Jr, 
Moses Eatton, 
Samuel Gage, 
John Corlis Ju, 
Moses Hazzen. 

Under date of March 29th, 1748, we find a petition signed by twenty- 
seven of the " freeholders & inhabitants," who therein declare that they 
were not present at the annual meeting, on account of the great depth of 
snow, but had heard &f the proceedings, and prayed that the petition 
of Sanders, and others, be not granted. The following names are attached 
to this petition : — 

Jonathan Duston Ju, 
John Corlis, 
Joseph Bradley, 
Benjamin Clement, 
Joseph Emerson, 
William Johnson, 
Samuel Clements, 
Daniel Lad, 
Thomas Bayley, 

The committee to whom these several petitions were referred, re- 
ported " that the town meeting held on the first day of March be sett 
n side, & that the selectmen for the year 1747 grant a new Warrant 
for the Choice of all ordinary Town officers that Towns by Law are Ena- 
Ijled to choose ; " the meeting to be held sometime in April. The report 
was accepted. 

A town meeting was accordingly convened, on the 26th of April, at 
which the ofiicers chosen March 1st, were all re-chosen, except, that 
Thomas Duston was chosen a selectman in the place of Moses Clement. 
This was not, however, in the opinion of " John Pecker and others," done 
" according to law," and they promptly " dissented."" 

Soon after, (May 25, 1748,) Eichard Saltonstall, and forty-one others, 
presented a memorial to the General Court, in which they set forth that 
" the affairs of the second meeting were conducted with more wickedness 
partiality and premeditated corruption than the first ; " that the select- 
men, (who were also assessors) "to cure their great Neglect in not 

Valueing the Estates and faculties of the Inhabitants," had, after their 


fllSTORt OF tlAVERHItl. 

term of ofScc had expired, made a prcterdcd valuation, "by -wliicli tliey 
disqualified some of the opposite pf.rty, ar.d r.dmittcd olhers Avho were 
clearly not entitled to vote, — all for the purpose of carrying their own 
points in governing the choice of cfficcis ; that the cauj:e of all the un- 
easiness among the inhabitants, was the helief that the EekctKCD, or seme 
of thera, had combined Avith the Town Treasurer, (who was also Town 
Clerk) "to Imbezell large sums of the publiek money & apply it to their 
own use." They therefore prayed for a new meeting, to be presided over 
by a disinterested moderator, and that the transactions of the last meeting 
he set aside. 

The following names arc attached to the memorial : — 

Eicha Saltonstall, 
Joshua Bayley, 
John Pecker, 
John Sanders, 
Nathll Sanders, 
John Aver, 
Jonathan Simonds, 
Josejjh Patten, 
Eichd Hazzcn, 
Nathel Balch, 
Jas Pecker, 
Wm Brady, 
Simon Ayer, 
Abraham Kimball, 

Will hancock, 
Joshua Page, 
Jacob Sanders, 
Jno White, 
Samll Appleton, 
Benja Gale, 
Edmund Greenlcaf, 
Edmund Moocrs, 
Nathaniel Walker, 
Jacob Aycr, 
Nathaniel Rolfe, 
Jonathan Webster, 
James McHard, 
Samuel White, 

Richard Emerson^ 
Grant Webster, 
Peter Ayer, 
Joseph Badger, 
Ithamar Emerson, 
Nathaniel Knowltcn, 
Andrew frink, 
John Boynton, 
Stephen Husc, 
Moses Clements, 
Ebenezer Hale, 
John Smylie, 
Nathan hesseltine. 

The General Court ordered the petitioners to serve the selectmen and 
moderator with a copy of their petition, and June 15th was assigned for 
a hearing of the partics.=->' On account of the sickness "of divers of the 
principal persons," who subscribed the last mentioned petition, the hearing 
was postponed to the next day, when a committee was appointed " to hear 
the parties who are now in Town," and report.f The consideration was, 
however, again postponed to September, when the ccmmittee reported that 
the proceedings of the second meeting be set aside and declared null and 

o The Scleclnicn in their response to the General Court, on the memorial of Saltonstall, and others, 
deny liny att( unit at partiality in accepting or refusing votes; leave the Town Treasurer to vindicate 
li'mself; dei'lare that all their own transactions in town aflairs arc open for the town to examine; and 
close by declaring the memorial false and vexatious. 

t Wc find .a paper, dated Boston, June 17, 17-18, and signed by the Selectmen on the one part, and 
Kathaniel Saiiilcrs and Joseph Patten for the mimorialists on the other part, .igreeing for peace on the 
fallowing conditions: 

The memorialists are to drop their petition on condition that a new town meeting be held, and that a 
disinterested committee be chosen to settle with the Town Treasurer, on nhieh committee no selectman or 
member of a former committee should be placed. 


void, and a new meeting be called ; and as no valuation had been taken 
tlie present year, " according to Law," that the valuation of 1747 be the 
rule for regulating the votes. The Court adopted the report, and appointed 
John Choate, Esq., to be moderator of the meeting. 

Accordingly, a meeting was hoidcn on the 22d of November, whcn-^Ir. 
Choate'' presided, and the same persons were for the third time chosen tcun 
officers ! But this time they were chosen " according to Law " ! 

A proposition was made this year, but negatived, to build a school-house 
in each parish. From this it would appear probable that the only school- 
house then in town, was that in the village ; although, as we have seen, 
the town had long before (1723) voted to build several others. This 
supposition is strengthened by the fact that the next spring it was voted to 
" sell the old school house." 

From an answer of the "Proprietors of the Common Lands" to the 
General Court, we learn that at this time (1748) a " Common Flight " was 
worth only three pounds. Old Tenor, and they were ready to sell at that 
price. They say that when the old grants are all made good, they " dont 
think one penny will fall to the Proprietors."! 

During the French and English War of 1744—48, a number of Haver- 
hill men wci'c in active service. Several were at the taking of Louisburg, 
in 1745, but as the muster rolls of that expedition omit the place of resi- 
dence, or enlistment, of the men engaged in it,' we are unable to give their 
names. On the renewal of hostilities by the Eastern Indians, who, as 
before, were found siding with the French, the provincial government sent 
a large number of troops to the eastern country, among whom were several 
Haverhill men. Of those stationed at Scarborough, in 1748. were nine 
from this town.J Four of them^continued in that service until the peace, 
in the following year. 

At the annual town meeting, for 1749, a proposition was made to hold 
the town meetings one half of the time in the West Parish, and the other 
half in the East Parish, — but it was promptly voted down. 

'^ Mr. Choate was a member of the General Court, from Ii)swich. 

t Peter Aver was an original [iroprietor, or owner, of two Common Eij;hts, which des'icnded to his five 
daughters. One of his daughters divided her proportion among h^'r own four daughters.. 

J Obadiah Perry, Corp., Thomas Stono, CDaiiicI Silver, 

Thomis Wescomb, CEhcnezer Brown, H.irt Williams, 

°Job Gage, ^Oliver Scales, Jonathan Duston, Sentinels. 

These served from April S to Xovember 30, 17-iS. Thjsc desigaated by a o coutiuued iu the service 
nntil August 8, 1749. 


From the proprietors' records of March 6th, we make the following 
extract : — 

"In answer to ye petition of sundry of ye Inhabitants of ye Town of 
Haverhill, (' to ye proprietors of Common & undivided lands in ye Town 
of Haverhill & yt part of Methuen which was formerly a part of sd 
Town of Haverhill ; together with yt part of Haverhill which falls within * 
ye province of new hampshire, & commonly called Haverhill District ' ) 

" ye sd proprietors agreed & voted yt all their Eight proprtee & Inter- 
est yt they have in the land lying betwixt ye head of ye lotts & merrimack 
Eiver from Capt John Pecker's wharfe down to ye plaine gate so called 
(Excepting a road all along by ye head of ye lotts so wide as ye Town 
shall think proper) be & hereby is given, granted & appropriated to ye 
tise & benefit of said town within ye Massachusetts, To be Disposed oif 
as the said Town shall see Cause ; with this proviso ; that the said Town 
do Disalow & Discontinue the said road laid out by the selectmen from 
Kent's lott down to ye plain gate on Tebruay 11. 1724-5 : 
this above voted in the affirmative 

Moses Hazzeu Entered his Disent against giveing or selling of any land 
from Kichard Saltonstall's Esqr Down to the plaine gate. 

Edward Elint Entered his Disent against Disposeiiig of any of ye way 
or land before mentioned." 

Pecker's wharf was near the mouth of Mill Brook ; and the Plain Gate, 
as near as we can judge, was near the present house of Eev. Mr, Keelj'. 

The summer of 1749 was remarkable, on account of a very severe 
drought. This was attended with swarms of caterpillars, and other de- 
vouring insects, and caused great distress in New England. The heat and 
dryness was so severe, that the ground cl-acked in many places, and where 
pieces of broken glass lay on the surface, it caught fire. Not more than 
a tenth of the usual crop of hay was cut ; and much was imported from 
Pennsylvania, and even from England. June 9th was observed as a gen- 
eral Fast on account of the drought; and August 14th as a day of 
Thanksgiving for a plentiful rain.'-' 

From the time of the settlement of the difficulties between the proprie- 
tors and the non-proprietors of the common and undivided lands, (in 
1724) down to, and including 1751, the former were largely occupied in 
disposing of their remaining lands. The lands in the extreme northwest 
part of the town, known as the " fifth division," and the tract north of the 
village, known as the "Cow Common," were the last large bodies of land 

o Rev. Mr. Frenchs's Ms, 


to be disposed of. The remainder were in detaclaed pieces, scattered here 
and there about the town, many of them quite small. In 1739, forty- 
seven such parcels were disposed of, many of them being given to parties 
applying for them, whether they chanced to be proprietors or otherwise. 

Among the last lands to be disposed of, was the strip lying between what 
is now called AVater Street and the river, and extending from the present 
bridge to Mill Brook. A few small lots of this had been previously dis- 
posed of, but most of it yet belonged to the proprietors, until the year 
1751, when there seems to have been quite a rush for lots " to build a 
wharf." Enoch Bartlett led off with a petition for land enough to build 
a wharf fifty feet long " against the house of Joshua Bayley Esq." (This 
was the first lot below the present bridge.) Joseph Greelee followed, ask- 
ing for a lot for the same purpose " between Eichard Hazzen's grant and 
Capt Eastman's wharfe." Then came John Sawyer for a small piece 
" between Capt Pecker's or White's wharf and ye ferry place." (Pecker's 
wharf was near the easterly end of the street.) After him, Symond 
Grcenouch made application for a piece " against his dwelling house." 
Then came Nathaniel Cogswell, for three rods wide "on ye south of his 
house; " Abner Kimball, for a lot " between Capt Pecker's and ye ferry 
place ; " Xathaniel Peaslee, for one " near Capt Eastman's wharf; " Sam- 
uel Blodgett, for .one near the same place ; and last, but not the least, 
Eeuben Currier desired one in the same favorite locality. These appiica, 
tions were all for land and liberty " to build a wharf," and they were all 
granted ; though, from the fact that Thomas Haynes, Ebenezer Carleton, 
and Xathan "\\ ebster " dissented, and forbid the granting or selling of 
any more land on the river," it appears that some of the proprietors 
thought these eligible lots were being disposed of altogether too freely. 

Besides these grants of land for wharves, some of the lots were also 
disposed of to John Watts, Deacon James Ayer, and others, for building 
purposes ; and Eichard Hazzen had given him a lot on the river, below 
Mill Brook, for a " building yard." His bound commenced " on the road, 
four rods east of Mill Bridge, and thence four rods east," and extending 
to the river. Hazzen was at this time a resident of Hampstead, but from 
the above, it would seem that he was about to engage in ship-building in 
this town. 

Jonathan Buck, at the same time, petitioned for "a ship yard near the 
burying place," but was refused. Buck was afterward (1759) granted 
all the rights and privileges the proprietors had in the Mill Brock, " below 
the Great Eoad." Buck then owned the land on the west side of the 
brook, and a Mr. Morley owned that on. the east side. The former soon 


after removed to Maine, and was one of the founders of the town of Bucks- 
port, where he has descendants still living. Mr. Buck lived, while in this 
town, in the gambrel-roofed house nearly opposite the residence of Deacon 
Samuel Chase, on Water Street, and which was afterward occupied by his 
son, who was quite a famous hunter. 

The above facts, taken in connection with those already given in rela- 
tion to the building of vessels, clearly indicate the date when the first 
considerable attention was given to commerce by the inhabitants of the 
town. From this time, until the breaking out of the Eevolution, this 
branch of business rapidly increased, until Haverhill became one of the 
most important and extensive interior commercial towns in the State. 

The subject of schools in the parishes was again brought to the attention 
of the town this year, (1751) and it was finally voted that a grammar 
school should be kept in each parish four months in the year. Probably 
one of the most eifective reminders of their duty in this direction, just at 
this time, was the intimation of a summons to appear at Salem Court and 
answer to a " presentment " for not being provided with a " grammer school 
master." The above vote did not, however, save them from the latter, as 
we find that the next spring Nathaniel Peaslee, Esq., was chosen to appear 
and answer such a presentment against the town. 

In 1752, the inhabitants of the town were greatly alarmed ly the ap- 
pearance of the small-pox in the neighboring towns, and John Cogswell 
and Samuel White were appointed to assist the selectmen to use every 
method to prevent its entrance into the town. A set of constables were 
also chosen to serve such warrants as should be issued for* that purpose. 
When we consider that, although this loathsome disease is now much bet- 
ter understood, and far less fatal than formerly, the people of the present 
day are yet always greatly excited and alarmed at its approach, we need 
not be surprised that our ancestors took the most vigorous measures to 
protect themselves from infection. But notwithstanding their precautions, 
the disease at length found its way into the town, and in 1755-6, several 
persons died with it." 

Before closing our notice of the year 1752, wc ought, perhaps, to refer 
to the change in computing time which was made this year, and which 
originated the terms " Old Style " and " New Style." 

When this country was first settled, the usual manner of writing dates 
was by numbering the months. March was the first month, and the 25th 
of March, being Lady Day, or Annunciation of the Church, was the first 

o The disease again made its appearance in 1757, when we find that the house of Timothy Eaton was 
nsed as a " peat house." 

fiiSTOUT OF nAVEtiniLt. 


day of tlic year. Subsequently, the practice of numliering tlic months was 
cliscontiuucd, but, until 1752, the year still commenced with the 2r)th of 
March. In 1751, the British Parliament, by statute, provided that the 
then next first day of January should be reckoned to be the first day of 
the year 1752, and that the day following the second of September, 1752, 
should be called the fourteenth, thus omitting eleven intermediate nominal 
days. By that act, bissextile, or leap-years, are established every fourth 
year, excepting each hundredth year, and of each hundredth year every 
fourth is to be a leap-year, of three hundred and sixty-six days, commenc- 
ing with the year 2000. 

The manner of computing time, (to 1751) commonly called the Julian 
Calendar, had been in use from the time of the general Council of Nice, 
A. D. 325. By the Julian Calendar every fourth year was a leap-year of 
three hundred and sixty-six days, which calendar was discovered to be 
erroneous, as the spring equinox, which at the time of the Council of Nice, 
in 325, happened on or about the 21st of March, did happen in 1751, 
about the 9th or 10th of the same month ; hence the necessity of omitting 
the eleven nominal days in September, 1752. 

The correction of the calendar, made by Pope Gregory XIII, in 1582, 
was immediately adopted in all Catholic countries, although not established 
in England until 1752. From the latter cause arose the custom of indica- 
ting the change by the use of double dates hetivecn the first of January 
and the tioenty-fifth of March in each year, thus, — January 1, 1751-2. 

A striking omission in the town records of the time of which we write, 
is found in the fact that, from the year 1729 to 1770, no mention is made 
of the election of Eepresentatives to the General Court, although it is an 
indisputable fact that such were regularly chosen. The records frequently 
refer to them, but never to their election. 

In 1753, a tax was laid by the government on coaches, chariots, chaises, 
calashes, and riding chairs. We presume the following table, giving the 
number of each in this town, as oflacially returned, will not prove uniu- 
tei'esting : — 





Hiding Chairs, 














Probably we cannot give a more truthful, as tvell as vivid idea of tte 
general style, and appearance of the ordinary "calash," which was almost 
the only light, or pleasure carriage, in the town one hundred years ago, 
than by comparing it to a very clumsy old fashioned wagon-seat, set upon 
an equally clumsy pair of low wagon-wheels, with shafts attached. Those 
impromptu affairs that we now occasionally see, are a decided improve- 
ment over those of "a hundred years ago," in every respect, — except, 
perhaps, a platform for the feet to rest upon. 

Chaises, of which there was a solitary one in town at this time, were 
those large and heavy wheeled, square-topped vehicles, of which the " old- 
est inhabitant " has, perhaps an indistinct recollection. They were in the 
possession of only a few of the " most respectable " and wealthy people, 
and were only made use of to ride to meeting on the Sabbath, and on great 
and important occasions. 

Mr. Nathan Webster, now living, remembers (about 1796) when there 
were but two in all the West Parish. These were owned by the two Dea- 
cons of the church — Deacon Moses Webster and Deacon Eaton. 

Soon afterward, the minister, Eev. Mr. Adams, purchased one. At that 
time, the most common, and indeed the almost universal mode of travel- 
ling, was on horseback. Thus the farmer rode to mill, or "to town," on a 
week-day ; and, on the Sabbath, with his good wife on the pillion behind 
him, — and perhaps a child in the arms of each, — he leisurely and sob- 
erly jogged to meeting on his faithful and steady " Old Dobbin." The 
women rode on horseback to the village, to do their "trading." Mr. 
Webster remembers counting " tiventy-four in one troop," as they were 
thus riding by his father's house, on their way to town, — " chattering like 
a flock of blackbirds ! " 

Wagons were unknown until about 1800, or later. In that year, Eobert 
Hamilton, of Conway, Mass., built a one-horse wagon, and claimed it to 
be the first one in America, and himself the inventor. As late as 1810, 
such carriages were nowise common, and it was not until about 1820 that 
they came into general use. 

The first carriage said to be built in America, was made in Dorchester, 
Mass., by a man named White, for a private gentleman in Boston. It 
was copied from an English chariot, though made much lighter. But on 
account of the difiiculty of procuring material, and high wages, they were 
long afterward ordered from England and France. 

In 1754, the town for the first time voted to raise a specific amount of 
money for the repair of the highways. The sum fixed upon was one 
hundred pounds. Two shillings a day were allowed for a man, and the 


same for oxen "with a good c.irt t)r plow," or eighteen pence for oxen 
alone. The appai'ent diflFcrcnce between these prices and those previously 
voted to be paid, is explained by the fact of a change in the kind of cur- 
rency most in use at these several periods. 

At the same time, a similar proposition was made in regard to school 
money, but it was rejected. The next year, however, the proposition was 
renewed, and this time it was carried. Fifty pounds were appropriated 
for the support of the schools the current year ; and it was voted to allow 
the parishes their proportion of the school money. 

From and after this time, except the years 17G1 to 1764, inclusive, the 
school in the First Parish was kept all the year round. Previous to 1761, 
it was termed a " Grammer School." In 1765, it was called an " English 
School," and " only Eeading, AVriting, & Cyphering," were taught in it. _ 

The summer of 1755, was one of "excessive heat and drought;" in 
•consequence of which there was a gi'eat scarcity of hay and provisions, 
and prices were very high. So serious was the condition of things, that 
a Fast was ordered by the General Court. Happily, refreshing rains soon 
followed, and the autumn harvest was unexpectedly productive. 

On the 18th of November, of the same year, occurred the most violent 
earthquake ever known in Xorth America. " It continued about four and 
a half minutes. In Boston, about one hundred chimnies were levelled with 
the roofs of the houses, and about fifteen hundred shattered, and thrown 
down in pxrt. There was a shock every day till the twenty-second." 
The sam3 year and month, is also memorable for the terrible earthquake 
which destroyed Lisbon. 

The proprietors of the common and undivided lands in the town, having 
disposed of nearly every foot of land belonging to them, were now about 
dissolving their organization. Their work was nearly finished. Xo meet- 
ing was held from September 5, 1755, to November 20, 1758, and from the 
latter date, to 1763, there were but few meetings, and but little business 
transacted. In April of the latter year, .Foshua Sawyer petitioned them 
" for liberty to flow and draw ye water off ye Great Pond," and Barra- 
chias Farnam requested leave to build a mill on the brook, on his own 
land, and an equal privilege to flow and draw the Pond with Sawyer. 
The record does not show that either petition was granted. In July a 
meeting was called, at which some business was done and an adjournment 
made to October 10th. This proved to be the last meeting of the proprie- 
tors, and as a fitting close to our history of their doings through the louf' 


period of their active organization, we copy the entire record of the last 
named date : — 

" Essex Ss Haverhill October 10. A D 1763. This being the time 
to which ye Props meeting was adjourned. The moderator did not come, 
and so this meeting ended of course. 

Att Nathl Peaslee Sargeant Props Clerk."" 

In the year 1759, Samuel Blodgett erected " pot and pearl ash" works 
on Mill Bi'ook. They were among the first in the country, and continued 
in successful operation for some years. 

In 1760, the town granted John Swett a lease of the ferry at Holt's 
Kocks for ten years. This ferry had for forty years previous to that time 
been kept by his father. 

About this time, settlements began to extend rapidly toward the north 
and east — particularly the latter. Early in the year last named, several 
Haverhill men were granted six townships in the Province of Mainc^ 
between the Penobscot and St. Croix Eivers.'-^ 

In 1761, the crops of grain in Eastern Massachusetts were mostly de- 
stroyed by a severe drought, so that many families were out of corn and 
rye before the winter was half gone. In this emergency, Joseph Haynes, 
of the West Parish, made a journey to Connecticut, on horseback, to make 
arrangements to obtain a supply for the needy in the town. Having 
agreed with the store-keepers at Hartford, Wethersfield, and vicinity, to 
collect a quantity for him, he returned home. In a few weeks he again 
went on, loaded a vessel with corn, and sailed for Haverhill, where he 
arrived safely with his precious cargo. Several persons offered him his 
price per bushel, and take the whole cargo, but he declared he did not 
buy it to speculate on himself, and that nobody else should have it for that 
purpose. He sold the cargo in parcels, not exceeding five bushels each, 
and only to those who actually needed it for food, or for seed. Such an 
act well deserves honorable mention in a history of the town. 

Sometime in the summer of 1763, the bridge over Little Eiver near the 
present flannel factory, was rebuilt. The following materials were required 
for the job : Two gallons and three quarts of rum, two and a half pounds 
of " Shugar," one hundred and twenty-one feet of two-inch plank, one 
hundred and thirty feet of two and a half inch plank, and twenty feet of 
white oak timber. The first article was doubtless used for bracing. 

° David Marsh, Enoch Bartlet, Isaac Osgood, Jonathan Buck, James Duncan, James McHard, "and 
others." Buck was the only one of the petitioners named, who actually settled on the lands. In June, 
1775, he, with other inhabitants of Belfast, Majabigwaduce, and Benjamin's River, applied to the Pro- 
vincial Congress for a supply of corn and ammunition, of which they were in great want. The Congress 
voted them a supply of arms and ammunition, and two hundred bushels of Indian corn. 


At tlie annual meeting in 1764, the proposition to divide tlie parsonage 
lands among the four parishes was again negatived. 

Previous to 1765, there had been but one church, one meeting-house, 
and one mode or form of religious worship in each of the parishes ; and 
but one form or standard of religious faith. The "established church '\ in 
the town, an,d indeed in the colonj^ was the " orthodox congregational " 
church. This was emphatically " the religion of the State," and it was 
not until more than a centuiy after the establishment of the Massachusetts 
and Plymouth colonies that any ether system was Q,YeVi tolerated. But the 
attempt to oblige men to any particular form, or doctrine, produced in time 
the very state of things which was so much feared by the founders of these 
colonies. New doctrines were proposed, believed, and taught, and new 
sects arose, despite of the most stringent laws against them, and in the 
face of even persecution itself. 

Among the earliest of the sects which sprang up in Massachusetts and 
•claimed recognition as such, were the Baptists. Prom an obscure begin- 
ning they gradually worked their way until the disciples of the new 
doctrine were numbered by thousands, among whom were some of the 
ablest minds of that time. One of these was Eev. Hezekiah Smith, a man 
•of rare powers as a preacher, and who became an acknowledged leader in 
the " New Light " movement. He visited Haverhill in the fall of 1764, 
and labored with such success that a church of *' Separatists," or as they 
soon came to be called, " Baptists," was organized the following spring, 
and immediately proceeded to build themselves a meeting-house. So rapid 
was the growth of the new church, that in less than three years it num- 
bered over one hundred members. As we give a particular account of this 
church in another place, we pass over it for the present without further 

540 nisTOKt OF nxytumtt. 



After a very short period of actual peace between the French and 
English in North America, the New England colonists were again thrown 
into a state of anxiety and distress by another war against France. The 
war actually commenced in 1754, though not formally declared till May^ 
1750. Early in the spring of 1755, preparations were made by the colo- 
nies for vigorous and extensive operations against tlte enemy. Four 
expeditions were planned : — one against the French in Xova Scotia; a 
second against the French on the Ohio ; a third against Crown Point ; and 
a fourth against Niagara. 

In the expedition to Nova Scoti i were a number of Haverhill men, but, 
for the reasons given in another place, we are unsble to give their names. 
This expedition resulted in the surrender of several of the French forts in 
that province, and in the dispersion of the " neutral French." This lasfc 
act deserved, and has received, the severest condemnation. Four hundred 
and eighteen inoffonsive people were kidnapped, and over seven thousand 
were transported, and their property confiscated. And, as if this was not 
ewough, families were separated, and transportedin different sJiips to widely 
separated parts of the country ! Devils incarnate could not have devised 
a more cruel scheme. 

About one thousand of these poor Acadians were landed in Boston, at 
the opening of winter. Those gradually became dispersed among the 
towns in Massachusetts. Many of them fell upon the towns for support. 
Tliis town, in 1759, paid twelve pounds, ten shillings, toward supporting 
eight of them, who had been assigned the town as its proportion to support. 
These eight persons were all loomen and children. 

In the expedition to Crown Poirt were the following from this town: — 

At Late George, November 22, 1755, were Nathan Merrill, John Pres- 
ley, Filbrick Colbey, and Nathan Page, 

In a Muster Poll, (dated Felraary 24, 1756,) of " men who went to 
Albany," we find nearly an ent're company from this town. The follow- 
ing are the names, with the time of entering and leaving the service : — 
Edmund Mooers, Capt, entered Apl 4, 1755, Discharged Jan 5 1756 

Jonathan Duston, Ensign " " " " ♦' Dec 12 1755 

Daniel Mooers, Serjt " "12 " " Oct 18 " 

Michael Amy, Corp " " 8 " " *' 15 '* 



entered May 6. 1755, discharged Oct. 22 1775 


Daniel Griffin, Corp. 
Bartho Pecker, Private 
^■'Joseph Brown " 

James Clement " 

Wm Townsend " 

Wm Pell 

Page Harriman " 

Joseph Bayley " 

David Eaton " 

Samuel Ordway " 

Samuel Staples " 

John Frink " 

Samuel Thompson " 
Jona Haszeltine " 

Stephen "Woodward " 
James Emerson Jr " 
Moses Eaton " 

Daniel Williams " 
Timothy Clements " 
Joshua Corliss " 

In the company of Captain Samuel Gerrish, of Newbury, were the fol- 
lowing from Haverhill : — 

Jonathan Sergent, Serjt, entered Sept 15, 1755, Dischd Dec 17, 1755 
Joseph Silliway, " 
Bradbury Morrison, Clerk, 
Amos Currier, Drummer 
Austin George Private 

William Guy, " 

Zechariah Hunniford " 
Abiel Knight " 

Jona Dustan " 

AVilliam Emerson " 

Philbrook Colby 
Eleazer Smith " 

Barton Pollard 
Wm Middleton " 

In the company of Captain Henry Ingalls, of Andover, were 
James Emerson, Private, entered Oct 3, Dischd Dec 13 

Apl 7 



Dec 12 

it n 



Sep 8 

(( (( 



Dec 12 

<( << 



If (> 

'• 15 
Oct 9 

<( li 



Dec 12 

Apl 12 



" 15 

" 15 



Oct 22 

" 2G 



Dec 15 



(( (( 

Oct 9 

" 29 



Dec 15 

May 2 



Oct 2-t 

" U 



Dec 12 

u U 



'♦ 15 

(1 i( 



" 12 
11 It 

Nov 27 
Dec 17 

Peter Eling 


° The letter (k) annexed to his name, signifies kilUd. 


In the return of Captain James Kichardson's company, under date of 
May 5, 1756, we find the following from this town: — =' 

Lewis Eicker (miner), Ephraim Perry, Daniel Williams, 

Thomas AVorthing, Stephen Heath ) ■, , ■, John Dow, 

Asa Gi-ile, Wm Kimball j Joshua Perey.f 

Oliver Page, Edmund Pillsbury, 

Moses Merrill, Philbrook Colby, 

In the "Muster Poll of Men raised in 1756 for the Expedition td 
Crown Point," in Colonel Saltonstall's regiment, we find the following 
from HaverhilL They all enlisted previous to Ajn-il 15th : -^ 
Capt Edmund Mooers, Edmund Pillsberry, Nathan Page, 
Lt James Eussell, Benj Howard, Moses Eams, 

John Frink, John Burrel, Oliver Page, 

John Presley, Lt Moses Hazzen, Peter Ingerfield, 

Edmund Black, Moses Clark, Moses Stickney, 

William Middleton^ Lt Nathan Baker, Philbrook Colby, 

William Hoyt, Zebediah Sergeant, Daniel Williams, 

James Hide, Bartholomew Pecker, Nathl Smith, 

John Ingerfield, Asa Guile, Samuel Foster. 

In the Muster Eoll of "Major Saltonstall's Company of Impressed 
Men," April, 1756, we find the following Haverhill men: — 
Samuel Haseltine, Joshua Page, Samuel Ayer, 

Joseph Emerson, Joseph Haseltine, Ithamore Emerson, 

John Coon, Moses Merril, John Emerson Jr, 

From documents accompanying the above, it appears that fifty men 
were called for, for that particular service, but ninety five were enlisted. 
The number wanted were selected from the whole number enlisted. The 
followino; were selected from Haverhill : — 
Lt Moses Hazzen, ^ 

S'smith'""' \ ^^"""^ ^""^ Saltonstall's Comp 
Moses Clark, J 

Samuel Ayer, 

Joshua Page, I ^^^^ ^^. Saltonstall's Comp. 

Ithamore Emerson, ' *^ ^ 

John Emerson Jur, 

° From these returns, it will be seen that the same names were not unfrequently reported in several 
different companies the same year. This is explained by the fact that they enlisted from time to time 
for a particular service, and for short periods. To take up each name separately, and give the times and 
places of service, would require more space than we can afford to spare for that purpose, and we therefore 
give the names as we find them, and leave to those particularly interested, the task of tracing out the 
entire period of service of individual soldiers. 

t Joshua Perry was in Captain Hodge's company, on the west side of the lake, when an attack was 
*nade by the enemy, and all of his company, except himself and four others, were kiiled or captured. 



In the Muster Eoll of Captain Timothy Parker's company, at Fort 
Edward,'- July 26, 1756, were the following who give this town as their 
last place of residence, though not all of tbem were born here : — 
Jeams Russell, Ens, Silas Flood, cordwainer John Con, 
Samuel Hog, cordwainer Edmund Pillsbury, Timothy Page, 

Jethrew Clugf, Moses Merrill, Philbrook Colby, Black- 

Asa Gile, Thomas Worthen, smith, 

Oliver Page, Joshua Perre, Blacksmith Daniel Williams. 

In the company of Jonathan Pearson, at the same time and place, was 
William Perry, boat-builder. 

In the company of Captain James Parker were 

Samuel Currier, Serjt, aged 43, Joyner 
James Silver, " " 33, Cordwainer 

Timothy Ingalls, Private, " 36, Trader 
James Emerson, " " 45, Husbandman 

In Captain Edmund Mooers' company were 
Capt Edmund Mooers, Cordwainer 
Lt, Moses Hazzen aged 23 Tanner 
Serjt, Micah Amy yeoman 
Clark, Samuel Foster aged 18 Taylor 
Private Daniel Eoberds " -56 Laborer 
" Benj Black Mason 
" AVm Hoyt Tanner 
" Page Harrimen Carpenter 
" Samuel Ayers, aged 28 Tanner 
Soon afterward, the above company was stationed at Fort William 
Henry,f and from a Muster Eoll dated October 11, 1756, we find in addi- 
tion to the above names, those of Christopher Connely, Jonathan Harris, 
Jonathan Blaisdell, and John Pressey. 

The return of Captain Stephen Webster's company, at Fort William 
Henry, dated August 9, 1756, gives the following Haverhill names : — 
Gideon Challis, Serjt, agd39, b in Amesbury, now of Haverhill, carpenter 
John Burrill, Corp, " 
Peter Johnson " " 

Bradbry Saunders Soldr" 
John Castleng, " " 

Bartholomew Pecker " " 
Joseph Silvia " " 

Zebediah Sergant " " 
Morrell Wicher " " 


" Lynn, " 

<( (( (( 


" Haverhill " 

" Suncook, " 



" Haverhill, " 


<( It il 


" Boston, " 


" Amesbury, " 


« << « 


" Haverhill, " 

" Fort Edward was a wooden fort, near the Hudson River, erected in May, 1756. 
t Fort William Henry, was a wooden fort, erected at Lake George, in May, 1759. 

Mar 29, 

" Oct 4 

" 20, 

Nov 27 

" 29, 

Dec 4 


In Major Stephen Miller's company, at the same place and date, ■u'ere 
Hezekiah Hutchins, Lt. aged 29, born in Haverhill no\Y of Newbury. 
Thomas Thompson, Corp " 24, " " " " " Exeter. 

Ebenr Green, Private, " 18, " " Ipswich " " Haverhill. 

^■■■'Gideon George " "19, " " Haverhill " 

Josiah Young, " " 17, " " " .< << Salem. 

In Colonel Kingsbury's company, at the same j^lace and date, was 
William Brown, private, born in Haverhill, now of Newbury, Shipwright. 

In Captain John Nixon's company, August 28, at the same place was 
Jno Presson, private, aged 18, born in Haverhill, now of Lester. 

A "return of men ordered to be raised " in the town, dated August 23, 
17o6, shows that Colonel Saltonstall ordered fifteen, and the full number 
had " gone." 

In the company of Captain Gideon Parker, of Newbury, at the last 
named fort, (under date of December 22, 1756,) we find 

Nathan Baker, Lieut, entered Feb 18, Dischgd Dec 22, 1756 
Benja Howard, Serjt, " 
Moses Howe, Clerk " 

Nathan Page, Private " 
Edmund Black " " " ". " " " " 

Solomon Page " " " " " " " " 

Moses Ames " " " " " " " " 

Moses Stickney •* " " " '• " " " 

In Captain Samuel George's company, was John Frink, Ensign, entered 
February 18, 1756, discharged December 2, 1756. 

In the Muster Roll of Captain Timothy Parker's company, " in the ex- 
pedition to Crown Point,"f (dated March 2, 1757,) wc find the following : 
James Eussell, Ens, entrd Feb 18 to Dec 6 
Moses Merrill, drumer, " Apl 1 " '• 
Silas Flood, Private, " " " " " 
Thomas AVorthing " Mar 15 " " 

<> A "Taylor." 

t TicoNDEROGA AND Ceo'vv-n Point. In 1731, the French took possession of Crown Point; and in 
1755, they threw up an advanced work on Ticonderoga. Nature and art joined to make this a very 
Etrong and important fortress. In the years 1756 and 1757, large armies were kept up by the British 
colonies, at the south end of Lake George. In 1758, Abercronibie passed Lake George with an army of 
twenty thousand men, to attack Ticonderoga. On July 8th, he attempted to carry the works by .storm. 
The attack proved unfortunate, and his army was defeated with great slaughter. The French abandoned 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and they were taken possession of by General Amherst, July 5, 1759. In 
the beginning of the American Revolution, Colonel Ethan Allen undertook to reduce these posts, and on 
the mornhig of May 10, 1775, he entered and took Ticonderoga, and the same day took Crown Point. 
July 0, 1777, Ticonderoga was abandoned to the British under Burgoyne, and again given up to the Amer- 
icau» the same faU. 



Apl 2 ' 

Oct 8 (dead) 

Mar 15 " 

Dec 6 

Apl 1 " 

Sept 20 (dead or capt) 

Mar 15 " 

Oct 11 

Apl 1 " 

" 24 

Mar 15 " 

Dec 6 

Jostua Peirce, Private, entrd Mar 25 to Dec 6 
Jethro Clugif " 
Asa Guile, " 

Philbrook Colby " 
John Con " 

Oliver Page " 

Timothy Page " 
Edmund Pillsbry " 
Daniel Williams " " '* " " " 
Since the preceding pages were written, we have found the following 
interesting certificate, which, though in part a repetition of names already 
given, we consider too valuable to be left out, or even abbreviated. 

" Haverll : Janry 28th 1757. 

This may Certify that the Persons Belonging to this Town whose 
names are as follows were in the Service on the Expedition for Crown Point 
and were not rated in the Year 1756 — 
out of the first Compy Wm Middle ton, 

Christopr Connelly, 

In 3d Company 

Cap. Edmd Mooers, 

Nathl Smith, 

Jos Osillaway, 

Lt James Russell, 

Wm Hoyt, 

Gideon Challis, 

Lt Nathan Baker, 

Benja Black. 

Gideon George, 

Lt Moses Hazzen, 

Samuel Sargent, 

Lt Jno McCurdy, 

in 2d company 

Sanders Bradbury, 

Zebediah Sargent, 

Green Whittier, 

Ensn Jno Frink, 

Maj E Soltonstall, 

& Jno Page was Pressd 

Jno Burrill, 

Danl Haseltine, 

and hired a man in 

Saml Foster, 

Jona Haseltine, 

New Hampe to go for him 

Bartw Pecker, 

James Emerson, 

In the whole 53 

Jno Presleey, 

Jno Bradley, 

& the others that^ 

Asa Gile, 


Hired out of New > 4 

Edmd Black, 

Ebenr Brown, 

Hamp J 

Nathan Page, 

Saml Currier, 

Moses Ayres, 

Simon Ayer, 

Total 57 

Abrm Kimball, 


The Poll Tax for 

Saml Middleton, 

Jno Emerson Jur, 

48 a 9s £24,15,0 

Oliver Page, 

John Conn, 

Poll Tax to the "1 

James Hide, 


Deputys pay is >- 2,9,3 

Peter Ini^erfield, 

MoRPS Mpvrill 

1 Id 4 \ 

Jno Ingerfield, 

and Jos Heseltine jur 


Moses Stickney, 

Saml Heseltine 


Edmd Pilsbury, 

and Josiah Emerson, 

2, 9,3 

Gideon Church, 

enlisted and hired 

Benja Howard, 

others in New Hampe 

Danl Williams, 

to go for them 


And ■we arc Tnfcrmtl that we arc to have an allovrance for all those per- 
sons Poll Tax out of the Province Treasury — (which we Desire may he 
paid to Enoch Bartlct one of us) for the Benefit of our Town. 
To Harrison Gray Esq l Moses Clements ^ c i f 

Prove Treasurer in Boston j Daniel Johnson ) 

rinrnfilins .TnliiiRnn ( 


Enoch Bartlet j 

George Wetherby out of the first Company." 

For a well written account of the disastrous campaign of 1756, in 
which so many Haverhill men were engaged, we would refer the reader to 
Barry's excellent History of 3Iassachusetts. 

Before the clcsa of the year 1756, the party which had mismanaged 
afi'airs for over forty years went out of power, and William Pitt, the early 
and devoted friend of America, assumed the reins which had fallen from 
the hands of the Duke of Newcastle, From this time, the affairs of the 
war assumed a new aspect. A military council was held in Boston in Jan- 
uary, 1757, at which it was decided to attempt the reduction of Canada^ 
and of the four thousand men levied on New England, Massachusetts was 
to furnish eighteen hundred. These were all mustered hefoie the last of 
March, and ready for service. 

From the Muster Piolls of these forces, wc learn that the following Hav- 
erhill men were engaged in the expedition : — ■ 

Jan 2u, 1757, in Capt Pvobert Pvogor's company, John McCurdy, clerk. 

Feb 8th, in Capt Jona Bagley's Company, Peter Johnson, armorour. 

Feb 13, in Capt Stephen Miller's Comp (at Boston) were Corp Thomas 
Tompson, Allen Greenough, Gideon George (son of David), Joshua. 

Feb 16th. in Timothy Euggles's Eegiment, Major Pilchard Saltonstall. 

Feb 17, in Lt Col James Frye's Company (at Boston) we^e 
Jona Urine, James Emerson, Simon Ayers, 

Jonathan Simonds, Isaac Foster, Joseph Emerson. 

Daniel Hazelton, Jonathan Hazelton, 

John Eastman, John Emerson, 

Below we give the name of every man enrolled in the militia in this 
town in the spring of 1757. The list, of course, includes the name of 
every man in the town, not exempt from military duty: — 

"A List of the first Company in ELaverhill. 

Lieut Benja Gale, Wm Greenleaf, Oliver Sawyer. 

Ens Joseph Eager, David j\Iarsh, 

Sergeants Drummers Daniel Appleton, 

John Ayers, James Pearson, Jacob Ayer, 

SamuelSheppard, Nathan Ayer, 



J*et<;T Ayer, 
Enoch Bartlifc, 
Enoch Eager, 
Nathaniel Bager, 
Isaac Bradly Junr, 
John Baker, 
Nathl Balch, 
Edmund Black, 
AVilliam Briaut, 
Michael Bodwcll, 
John Cogswell Jun, 
Samuel Clement, 
Stephen Cross, 
Samuel Calf, 
Isaac Chase, 
Ezra Cottle, 
Peter Clement, 
John McCasliug, 
Joshua Dustin, 
Isaac Dow, 
Ezra Tucker, 
Bartholome Perkins, 
Mark Emerson, 
Thomas Whitaker, 
Nehemiah Emerson, 
Samuel Eames, 
Eichard Emerson, 
David Eaton, 
Moses Eames, 
Josiah Fulsom, 
Rowel Foot, 
John Farnhani, 
Joseph Flagg, 
Benja Foules, 
Samuel Gale, 
Daniel Gale, 
Ephraim Gile, 
Asa Gile, 
Samuel Gile, 
John Bointon, 
Symonds Greenough, 

Stephen GuUishan, 
Austin George, 
Jonathan George, 
Thomas Gage, 
John Gile, 
Job Gage, 
John Hall, 
John Hall Jun, 
Nathaniel Hall 
Charles Haddock, 
Stephen Harriman, 
Joel Hcariman, 
Nathl Johnson, 
Timothy Kezer, 
Benja Leach, 
Dudley Ladd, 
Henry Lebeter, 
Moses Marsh, 
Enoch Ma?sh, 
Nathl Marsh, 
Silvanus Heath, 
James Simonds, 
Benja Moors, 
Cornelius Mansise, 
Ammiruhama Mooro, 
Thomas McHard, 
Israel Morriil, 
William Micldleton, 
Jacob Nicholls 
Samuel Middleton, 
David Ncwhal Jun, 
Benja Poor, 
Samuel Pears, 
Edmund Pilsbry, 
Edward Eusscl, 
Ebenezer Piussel, 
David Runnils, 
"Winslow Richardson, 
Nathl Redington, 
Daniel Redington, 
John Stuard, 

'* The Alarm ListS 

the Rev Edward Barnard Timc^hy White Cler, 
Samuel White Esqr, John White Cler, 
James McHard Esqr, Capt Edward Moors, 

John Sawyer, 
Jonathan Sawyei', 
Jeremy Stickney, 
John Smyly, 
Solomon Springer, 
Joshua Springer, 
Jonathan Simons Jur 
John Straw, 
Richard Simons, 
Isaac Snow, 
Peter Sanders, 
Moses Smith, 
Samuel Shackford, 
Thomas West, 
Nathl Walker, 
Thomas Whittier, 
Timothy White Jur, 
John White, 
Joseph Whitaker, 
Jonathan Webster, 
Samuel Whiting, 
Nathl Cogswell, 
Ebenezer Gage, 
Samuel Johnson, 
Jonathan Shcpard, 
Nathan Simond, 
Ezekiel Wilson, 
Jonathan Sargant, 
Daniel Moorcs, 
Samuel Gile, 
Peter Ingerfield, 
Richard Emerson, 
Samuel Forster, 
Cutting Marsh, 
James Sawyer, 
William Chase, 
Elisha Moody, 
Samuel Midleton, 
James Calfc, 
Maxe Hascltine. 

Lieut Nathan Baker, 
Ens James Russell, 
Ens John Frink, 

° T!i? Alarm List iuclutles all between the aijes ot sixteen anil s'xty years of nge, who were cxeniijt 
from ordinary military duty. Upou extraordiaary emerseucies. these were liable to be called out to d" 
duty in their own town. 



Dn Benja Clement, 
Dn David Marsh, 
David Ayer, 
Jonathon Bucky 
Benja Baker, 
Moses Clement, 
John Cogswell, 
James Dunkin, 
John Eaton, 
"William George, 
Dr. Stephen Huse, 

James Leacount, 
David Newell, 
Isaac Osgood Cler, 
Dr James Pecker, 
William Swanton, 

Nathl Eolfe, 
Stephen Heriman, 
Lieut John EussjU, 
Dr Cast, 
James Cook, 

Nathl Peasly Sergeant, Jacob AVillard, 

Matbew Soley, 
John Mulleian, 
David Farnum, 
Timothy Clement, 

Dr John Huse, 
Joshua Swyer, 
Lieut Moses Hazzen, 
Dn David Marsh, 

Haverhill April 18th 1757. 

Attest Samuel Appleton Clerk." 
" A List of the Second foot Company in Haverhill, whereof Major 
Eichard Saltonstall Esq is Capt. 
First Lieut Nehemiah Bradly, 

Daniel Bradly, Joshua Emery Junr, 
Second Lieut Benja Eaton, 

Timothy Emerson, John Emery, 

Ens John Mitchell, 

Jonathan Emerson, 
Jonathan Webster, 
Samuel Watts, 
Nathl Dustin, 

Ebenezer Baly, 
James Haseltine, 
Samuel Haseltine, 
Joseph Emerson, 

Moses Bradly, 
William Ladd, 

Eichard Bayly, 
Amos Baly, 
AVilliam Baly, 
Daniel Bradly, 
Amos Bradly, 
Nathl Bradly, 
George Corlice, 
Joseph Corlice, 
Samuel Clemont, 
Micah Emerson, 
t'onathan Emerson Jr, 
Peter Emerson, 
Joseph Eaton, 

Joseph Hanes, 
Nathan Heaseltine, 
Joseph Hale, 
John Kezer, 
Ezekiel Ladd, 
Ebenezer Mitchell, 
Enoch Marble, 
Samuel Merrill, 
Joseph Hill Ordway, 
William Page, 
Nathan Parely, 
John Smith, 
John Smith Junr, 
Samuel Silver, 
John Silver Jun, 
John Stuart, 

Thomas Merril, 
Samuel Cronnid, 
Timothy Eaton, 
John Swadock Corlice,: 
John Goss, 
Benja Ordiway, 
Daniel Ladd Jun, 
Toothaker Webster Em- 

Amy Euhamy Hayns, 
Ebenezer Baly Jun, 
David Bradley, 
Timothy Emerson Jun, 
James Webster, 
Edward Ordiway, 
Joseph Emerson 2d,- 
Jonathan Harrice, 
Joseph Atward, 
Thomas Spear, 
Jacob Woodard 

Jonathan Sheppard Jun, Nathliel Clark, 

Stevene Webster 3d, 
John Hastings, 
John Symonds, 
David Harrice, 
Daniel Heath, 
William Hutching% 
William Mitchell, 
William Bradly, 
Jeremiah Haseltine, 
Peter Carleton, 
James Kimball, 

James Atwood, 
Jonathan Dustin Jun, 
Samuel Bradly, 
James Emerson Jun, 
Jonathan Heaseltine, 
Enoch Johnson, 
Jonathan Simonds, 
Samuel Ayer, 
Peter Ayer Jun, 
David Haynes, 
Jeremiah Hutchings, 




Samuel Lovckin, 
John Hcaseltine, 
James Merrill, 
Joshua Corlice, 
Asa Ladd, 
John Emerson Jun, 
Humphry Baly, 
Daniel Griffing, 
Joseph Heaseltine, 
Josiah Brown, 
Thomas AVhitteker, 
John Bradlj, 
Joshua Emery, 
Josiah Emerson, 

Samuel Celley, 
Page Herimon, 
Daniel Heaseltine, 
Peter Page, 
Moses "Webster, 
Moses Merrill, 
James Eaton Jun, 
Ithemore Emerson, 
Obediah Belknap, 
Moses Eaton, 
Samuel Ordiway, 
Eichard Kelley, 
Amous Emersen, 
Elezer Emerson, 

The Alarm List. 

Jonathan Eaton 2d, 
Abel Page, 
Peter Webster,* 
Enos AVebster, 
Isaac Webster, 
Simon Ayer, 
Samuel Webster, 
Daniel Ladd, 
John Emerson, 
John Jaquish, 
Samuel Whitteker, 
John Marble, 
James Emerson. 

Ebcnezer Webster, 
Jonathan Herriman, 
Amos Page, 
David Merrill, 

Eevd Samuel Batchelder Nathaniel Clements, 
Dn William Ayer, Bradly ^litchel, 

Dn Stephen Webster, William Boarmon, 
Ens Stephen Whitteker, Stephen Gage, 
Jonathan Marsh, John Clemonts, 

Jeremiah Bayly, Thomas Webster, 

Haverhill April 14th 1757 

attest Eichard Ayer Cler," 

" A List of the third foot Company in Haverhill, 

Capt Daniel Johnson, 
Lieut Euben Currier, 
Ens Ezra Chase, 
Eobert Hunkins, 
Joseph Kelley, 
Lewis Page, 
Ebenezer Colby, 
Amos Currier, 

Samuel Ayer, 
Samuel Bradbury, 
Sanders Bradbury, 
Thomas Bretman, 
Calib Currier Jun, 
Isaac Colby, 
Theophelous Colby, 
Ebenezer Chase, 
Euben Currier Junr, 

Samuel Davies, 
John Davies, 
Amos Davies, 
Moses Eaton, 
Nathaniel Edwards, 
Samuel Esterbrooks, 
Samuel Elee, 
John Edwards, 
Gedion George, 
David George, 
Gedion George Jun, 
Samuel George, 
William George, 
Joseph Grelee Jur, 
Stephen Gale, 
William Guie, 
Thomas Hunkiugs, 
Eobert Hastings, 
Maverick Johnson, 
Seth Johnson, 

Timothy Johnson, 
John JefFers 
Daniel Morison, 
Samuel Morison, 
Henry Morse, 
Samuel Page, 
John Partridge, 
William Page, 
Samuel Sanders, 
John Sanders, 
Joseph Silliway, 
Timothy Sweat, 
Timothy Smith, 
Benja Sanders, 
Heny Sargent, 
Samuel Sergant, 
Ebenezer Wood, 
Nathaniel Whittier. 

" Peter Webster, Nathl Sandera, and Avery Sanders, were taken prisoners at Port Wm. Henry in 1757. 


" The Alarm List. 

Eevd Bcnja Parker, Thomas Cotle Benja Grelee, 

Joseph Grelee, John Morse, Jacob Sanders, 

John George, Ebcnezer Whittier, Joseph Nickels, 

Haverhill March 17, 1757 

attest Eichard Colby Cler." 

From the above Eolls, it will he seen that the First Company was com- 
posed of residents of the First Parish ; the Second, of those belonging in 
the West Parish ; and the Third, of those in the East Parish. 

On the 31st of July, Gov. Pownall received information by express 
that Montcalm, with a large force of French and Indians, was moving to 
besiege Fort William Henry. He immediately hastened to forward re- 
inforcements and supplies, but before they had reached their destination, 
the gallant commander had been compelled to surrender. He did not 
yield, however, until half his guns were burst, and his amunition was 
expended. The Indians, with their usual ferocity, fell upon his troops 
after they were disarmed ; and, in the slaughter which ensued, six hun- 
dred dispersed among the woods and fled to Fort Edward, whither they 
were followed by their comrades, one after another. 

Immediately upon the above alarm, a detachment from each of the 
three companies in this town was ordered to march to the relief of the be- 
sieged garrison. Below we give the returns made for the first and third 
companies ; that for the second we have been unable to find : — 

" A Muster Poll of a Detachment out of the first Foot Company in 
Haverhill, Commanded by Joseph Badger Junr, Ensign of said Company, 
out of Lieut Coll John Osgood's Eegiment, that marched on the last alarm, 
for the relief of Fort William Henry, as far as Worcester — August ye 
16th 1757. 

Ens Joseph Badger Jun Joel Harriman, Elisha Moodey, 

Privates Thomas AVhitaker, William Farnam, 

Daniel Appelton, Nathaniel Eeddington, Samuel Fames, 

Moses Marsh, Jonathan George, Asa Guile, 

Timothy White Jun, John Baker, Benjamin Harris, 

Samuel Middelton, Stephen Cross, Israel Morrill, 

Samuel Middelton Jun, Nathaniel Johnson Jun, Michael Bowden, 

Wintrop Bagley, Asa Tucker, Moses Ames, 

John Knapp, Jeremiah Sticknee, Benjamin Fowler." 

Aaron Sargent, Edward Eussell, 

Timothy Kezai', Isaac Dow, 

" A Muster Eoll of a Detachment out of the Third Foot Company 
in Haverhill Commanded by Eeuben Currier Lieut of said Com- 


pany out of Lieut Coll John Osgood's Ecgement that marched on the Last 
alarm for the Belief of Fort William Heury as far as Worcester, August 
16: 1757. 

Lieut Reuben Currier, Timothy Johnson, Thomas Butman, 

John Sanders, Asa Currier, Calib Currier, 

Ebenezer Wood, David Morison, AYilliam Page." 

Amos Davice, Henry Morse, 

All the above, except Israel Morrill, (who was in service only three 
days) were in service nine days, eight of which were occupied in travelling 
to and from Worcester. They were "impressed" August 15th, and 
received two shillings and eight pence a day, each. 

Since writing the above, we have found, among the papers relating to 
the Eeduction of Canada, the following roll of names, which, we think, 
must be the missing list of those detached from the second foot company 
at this time : — 

John Osgood, Lt Coll 2d foot Company, 
Maj Eichard Saltonstall Capt, 

Daniel Bradly 1st Lt, James Haseltine Cornet, Joseph Haynes, 
Timothy Emerson 2d do Saml Haseltine " Toothaker Webster, 

John Mitchel Ens, Joseph Emerson " Jonathan Marsh, 

Jonathan Webster Serjt, Henry Bailey " Nathl Clement, 

Nathl Dustin " Moses Bradly Drum John Clement, 

Saml Watts '• Wm Ladd ♦' Bradly Mitchell, 

Jonathan Emerson " David Haynes, Jonathan Harriman, 

Ammi E Haynes, Eev Saml Batcheldor. 

Of the Haverhill men " in the capitulation," of August 9, we can only 
find the following : — 

In Capt Eichard Saltonstall's Company : 

Eichard Saltonstall, Capt, entd Feb 12, dischgd Nov 7, 1757 
Isaac Chase, Corp, " Mar 16, " Oct 23, " 

Edmund Black, private, " " 22, " " " 

In the list of names of those "not in the capitulation," we find the 
following'' : — 

Jonathan Blaisdell, private, entd Mar 15, Dischgd Sept 29 
Philbrook Coleby, " " " 21, deserted^ in Sept 

Joshua Perry, " " '< 14, Dischgd Dec 3 

Thomas Stone, Corp, " " 21, " Xov 17 

Early in 1758, large preparations were made for a vigorous campaign. 
Three expeditions were planned, — the ^?-si! to besiege Louisburg, the 

° The date of the list is December 23, 1757. 

t Among the one hundred and thirty-three deserters from the Massachusetts forces in the year 1757. 
we find only this Haverhill name I 



second to scour tlie Oliio valley, and the third to proceed against Ticonder- 
oga and Crown Point, — all of them having in view as a grand object and 
aim, the reduction of Canada. 

The following gleanings from the muster rolls of this year show that 
our town was well represented in the campaign : — 

*'KETURNof the Men inlisted for his Majesty's Service within the 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay in the Eegiment whereof John Osgood 
Jun, Esq : is Colonel, to be put under the immediate Command of His 
Excellency JEFFRY AMHERST, Esqr: General and Commander in 
Chief of His Majesty's Forces in North America, for the Invation of 


William Atwood .... 

James Scamons 

Samuell Middleton. . 

David Farnum 

Benja Fowle 

Wm Richardson .... 
Ebenezer Kimball . . . 

Obediah Page 

AVm Clements 

George Hadly 

Sampson French. . . . 
Joshua Springer .... 
Philbrook Colby.... 

Jackson West 

Joshua Heath 

William Cook 

Sampson French Jur 

Joseph Morse 

John Guile 

James Rix 

Timothy Johnson. ._,. 
Benja Hunkings, . . . 

Caleb Currier 

William Page. . . .-. 

Michel Page 

Joseph Osilaway. ... 
Moses Worthien, .... 
William Farmer .... 


=3 Q, 

a X 

W^here Resident. 













L. George 

L. George 







following tlie a'b3vc are the names of ten others, from Bradford, New- 
hnry, &c., but none from Haverhilk Of the following names, a part only 
were Haverhill men; but as some of them were, and we are unable to 
designate all of them with certainty, we copy the whole list: — 

" Roll of Capt John Hazzen of Haverhill, for the Reduction of Ticoit- 
deroga & Crown Point." 
John Hazzen, Capt, Stephen Px-escutt, 

John GofFe Jun 1st Lieut Nathan Colly, 
Joseph White 2d l^ieut Silas Flood, 
Wm Richardson Ensign Richard Dow, 
Jabez Hoio;ht Serojcaut Richard Knight, 

Jeremiah Kent, 

John Lovewell, 

Daniel Flood, 

Parish Richardson, 

Caleb Marble, 

Jessa Wilson, 

Wm Whittaker, 

Noah Emery, 

Joshua Howard, 

James Dow, 

Jeremiah Dow, 

Amos Pollard, 

Jona Stevens, 

Daniel Clifford, 

Abner Sawyer, 

Jonas Clay, 

Abel Wright, 

Wm Heath, 

Henry Benson, 

Wm Flanders, 

Enoch Hale, 

In addition to the above, we find in Captain William Osgood^s company, 
Oliver Page, who»served from April 1, to November 15, 1758. 

But our limits will not allow us to follow up the whole history of this 
war ; and with the following extracts, showing the names of those from 
our town who took part in the struggle, and shared in the glorious results, 
we must again turn our attention homeward. We may, however, be per- 
mitted to say, in passing, that the campaign of 1758 was a brilliant one. 
In July, Louisburg was taken ; the next month. Fort Fi-ontenac surren- 
dered ; and in November, Fort du Quesne (now Pittsburg) was wrested 
from the French. The next year, the British arms were completely suc- 
cessful. In July, Niagara and Ticonderoga were taken, and when, on the 

Benja Stone 
Mathcw Bryant 
James Bryant 
Jona Kemble 
Benj Batchelder 
Stephen Page " 

Stephen Dow *' 

Aaron Copps, Private 
Thomas Crofford, 
Bond Little, 
Joseph Sawyer, 
David Copps, 
Caleb Emery, 
John Grage, 
Joshua Chass 
Joshua Gile, 
Joseph Gage, 
Robert Canhada, 
Joseph Webster, 
Thomas Cannada, 
James Duston, 

Peter Whitteker, 
John Tarbox, 
Phillip Emerson, 
Levi Wyman, 
Asa Curtis, 
Jona Colby, 
John Giles, 
Jona W'orster, 
Edmind Colby, 
Abner Wheeler, 
Asa Worster, 
.lohn Foster, 
Robert Young, 
Jona Hunt, 
Robert Grcenough, 
Jona Stickney, 
Josiah Heath, 
Benoni Coburn, 
Micajah Morrill, 
Timothy Page, 
Benoni Rowell, 
Nathl Wood, 
Francis Knowlton, 
Joseph Lovewell. 



18th of September, Quebec surrendered, the joy of the people seemed io 
know no bounds. 

In the Muster Eoll of the foot company of Captain Samuel George, 
dated February 7, 1759, we find Joseph Silliway entered • May 2, dis- 
charged November 20.'-' Joseph Springer entered April 3, discharged 
November 20. 

In the Muster Eoll of the regiment of John Osgood, Jr., "for the invo/- 
sion of Canada," were 

Col Kiehard Saltonstall, 
Capt Edmund Moorcs, 
James Emerson, inlisted Apl 6, 
Eichai'd Knight " 

Mar 29, 
Apl 6, 

Timothy Kimball 
Benja Emery 
Nathl Bixbce 
Joseph Hutching Jur, 
Daniel Griffing 
Wilkes West 
Timothy Clements 

Mar 29, 

" 31, 

Apl 3, 

" 6, 

" 6, 


Captain Edmund Mooers' company, in Colonel Bagley's regiment, for 
the Eeduction of Canada.J consisted of one hundred and one men. The 
following were from Haverhill : — 

Edmund Mooers Esq, Captain, entered Mar 13, Dischd Dec 9 

aged 4S 

Jonathan Buck, Lieut 



Nov 20 

Peter Carleton 




Nov 20 

Samuel Eostor, Serjt 


Apl 8, 


Timothy White, " 




David Farnam, " 



Oct 26 

John Baker, " 



Nov 20 

David Eaton, Corporal 



Bartholomew Pecker, " 


" 8, 

Samuel Middleton, " 


«( (( 

John Bradley, Drummer 


" 3, 

Jonathan Serjeant, Private 


(( K 

Eichard Simonds " 


Mar 30, 


John Steward " 


Apl 4, 

" 3 

Ebenezer Kimball " 


t( a 


1758. t First name illegible. J 1759. 



Joshua Perry Private entered 

Mar 30 


Nov 20 

James Leacount 






Oct 21 

Henry Greenleaf 






Nov 20 

Samuel Stickney 






<< <c 

Moses Little 






<^ <( 

Elisha Moody 






June 24 

Benjamin Fowle 






Nov 20 

Ezra Cottle 






" 20 

John Swoodick Corliss 






u 4 

John Pell 






<( <( 

Daniel Williams 






« <( 

Enoch Marsh 





" m 

Aug 6 

Timothy Kezer 






Nov 20 

Michal Bowden 






(< << 

William Clement 






Dec 3 

William Colby 






Oct 9 

Joseph Hale 






Nov 20 

Silvanus Heath 






" 3 

George Hadley 







Daniel Appleton 






(< (( 

Jonathan Urien 






it <( 

Daniel Ladd Jun 






<( <c 

Ebenezer Bailey Jun 






« <( 

Jonathan Harris 






Aug 8 

Webster Emerson 






Nov 20 

David Merrill 






(< << 

John Goss 






<( << 

Peter Emerson 





« " 

<( <( 

William Hutchins 






<< t( 

Samuel Crowel 






<( <( 

Micah Amy 






<( << 

Daniel Corly 






<( (< 

John Foot 






<< <( 

Nathaniel Webster 






<( <( 

Joseph Mooers 



May 2 


" 11 

Jonathan Haselton 






" 13 

James Emerson''-' 






" 20 

Winslow Eichardson 






(( (( 

" From James Emerson's petition to the General Court, shortly afterward, we learn that in marching 
from Crown Point to Ticonderoga, December 20, 1760, he fell through the ice, lost his pack, and narrowly 
escaped death. He was so badly frost-bitten that he was forty days in getting home, and was confined 
for thirty days after arri\inghome. He was " at Cape Breton, and in th« service every year since the 
begimjiag of the Canada expedition." 



In the rolls for 1760, we find the following from HaverliiTI r- 
In Capt Henrj Young Brown's Company were 

H Young Brown Gapt 


Feb 14 to 

Dec 30 

John Page Serj 


" 29 " 

" 8 

Wm Farnum " 


<« (( (( 

(( <<- 

Wm Colby Pr 


Mar 10 ♦' 

it << 

Nathaniel Moulton " 


Feb 29 " 

H It. 

Daniel Milliken " 


<( H It 

tl it- 

Moses Sanborn " 


« ( ( < ( 

<( it. 

Charles Hall 


.< .. « 

tf it. 

In the Company of Samuel Watts, of Harerhill, 

Samuel Watts Capt 

ent June 10 to Jan 

1 1761 

John Bayley Corp 


18 " Dec 28 

Francis Dinsmore Pr 


28 " " 


John Gile " 


14 " " 


Daniel Hibbard " 


27 " " 


In the Company of Nathl Bailey 
Wm Mores ent Apl 14 

Benonie Wigans *' " 7 to Dec 6 
In the Muster Eoll of Capt Joseph Smith, of Rowley, from Feb 14 to> 
Dec 9, 1760/' were 

Nathan Baker Lieut 


Feb 14 to Dec 4 

Eobert Pensley Ens 


<( (( ( 

John Bradley Serj 


Mar 10 ' 

William George Corp 


" 31 • 

Edmund Black Private 


Feb 29 ' 

Ezra Cottle 



Mar 31 ♦ 

David Clemens 



Apl 14 ' 

Benja Durgan, 



Mar 8 ♦ 

Benja Davis (dead) 



Apl 14 ' 

' Oct 10 

Moses Duston 



Feb 29 ' 

♦ Dec 4 

David Eaton 



Mar 10 • 

< it i( 

Eichard Emerson 



(t (( < 

< it <( 

Nathaniel Eaton 



it it I 

< <C it 

David Farnom (dead) 



Feb 29 ' 

' Dec 12 

Sampson French 



Apl 8 ' 

. it 4 

Timothy George 



Mar 31 • 

. a 4 

John Hazclton 



" 10 • 

( << it 

AYilliam Hutchins 



it tt t 

t a ti 

O This woa a " Batteftux Company." 


Joseph Kimball 

Jonathan Kimball 

Daniel Ladd 

Henry Maxfield 

David Merrel 

Edward Ordaway 

James Pearson 

James Eix 

Eichard Simons 

Ezekiel Stone 

Joshua Trussell " " " " " " " 

The following is a list of the Haverhill names in the Muster Eoll of 
Captain Edmund Mooers' Company, dated " from Nov 2, 1759 to January 
7, 1761." 

Edmund Mooers, Capt, entered Nov 2, 1759, to Feb 1, 1761 






Mar 10 


Dec 4 



Feb 29 

(( << 



Mar 27 

" 5 



Feb 29 

" 4 



Mar 13 

<( << 

T " 


" 10 

>( (1 



«' 10 

<( <« 



Feb 29 

<< (( 



Feb 29 

Jan 10 



Mar 10 


Dec 4 

William Greenleaf, Lieut 
Daniel Griffin 
Timothy Johnson 
Samuel Middleton 
William Atwood 
William Clements, 
William Cook 
James Cook 
Benja Emory 
Phillip Emerson 
Benja Fowls 
Sampson French 
Daniel Greenleaf 
Joseph Hutchins 
George Hadley 
Joshua Heath 
Benja Hunkins 
Eben Kimball 
Jos Orsilliway 
William Page 
Michael Page 
Winslow Eichardson 
James Scammon 
Jackson West 
PhUbrook Colby 

Jan 12 
" 2 
" 12 

Jan 17 
" 5 
" 12 




In the return of enlistments for 1760, we find Josiali Ingraham, Samuel 
Steward, Timothy Kimball, John Jakish, James Webster. The above 
enlisted between March 6th and April 9th, 1760. 

In the Muster Roll of Captain Thomas Swett's company, March 19th, 
1761, we find 

Henry Marshall, entered June 14, Dischd Dec 8. 
In that of Captain Aaron Fay's company : — 

John White, entered Apl 25, Dischgd June 14. 
In that of Captain David White's company : — 

Solomon Gage, entered May 9, Dischgd Nov 24. 
In Captain Nathaniel Bailey's company, were 

Joshua Perrey Serjt (dead) from Mar 10 to Sept 15 
Abel Hadley Corp " Apl 14 " Dec 6 

Joseph Atwood Private " Mar 10 " " " 

Jona Barker " " " 24 " " " 

In the fall of 1760, the Collector of this town was allowed the rates of 
the following persons, who " were gone into his Majesties Sarvice." 

Joseph Oselway, Joseph Springer, William Page, 

Timothy Johnson, David Chalice, Mickel Page, 

Benjamin Hunkings, Gideon Chalice, Elias Johnson, 

In the " Pay Roll of Capt Mooers' Company from Apl 8, 1761, to Jan 
1, 1762," we find 

Edmund Mooers, Capt, 

from Apl 18 


Jan 1 

Nathan Baker Lieut 


<( If 


Dec 7 

John White, Ensign 

(( a 


Nov 17 

William Atwood Serjt 

July 1 


Dec 7 

Charles Hall, Drummer 

June 29 


- 6 

Edmund Black, Private 




" 7 

William Cook " 

" 12 


it it 

Thomas Corser " 

June 13 


ti <( 

Samuel Corser " 


July 9 


tt ft 

Joseph Emerson " 

" 15 


Nov 17 

James Emerson " 


May 29 


(( it 

Webster Emerson '• 

June 23 


Dec 7 

Nathaniel Eaton " 

July 19 


tt tt 

George Hadley " 


May 12 


Nov 17 

Zechh Humerford " 


July 1 


Dec 7 

Negro Jack (Servt 

Edmd Mooers) " 


" 21 


tt tt 

Jonathan Simonds " 




tt tt 


David Wells Private from June 26 to Dec 7 
Nathaniel Asli " " Aug 22 deserted. 

In the Pay Eoll of Captain Henry Young Brown's-'^ company for April, 
1761, to February, 1762, were the following: — 

Hy Yg Brown, Capt, from Apl 18, 1761 to Peby 7, 1762 

" ^any 6 
' " Dec 13 " 
' " Jan 11 " 
" " 6 " 
" " 6 
" «< 6 " 

James Scammon, Serjt 


May 4 

John Bradley " 


Apl 29 

Jacob Brown Corp 


May 1 

Wm Clement 


" 4 

Saml Middleton *' 


" 28 

Ezra Gatchell Drumer 


" 18 

Samuel Annis Private 


'« 1 

Phinehas Ash " 


Apl 23 

Benj Dow " 


May 4 

Jno Moody Gilman " 


" 1 

Job Gage " 


u 7 

Nathaniel Gilman " 


" 6 

William Guye " 


" 1 

Asa Hanniford " 


" 29 

David Heath 


" 22 

David Kimball " 


" 4 

Timothy Kimball " 


" 11 

Daniel Levett " 


" 29 

John McKissich " 


•' 1 

Peter Middleton " 


" 16 

Hezh Marsh " 


June 2 

David Moody " 


May 6 

Henry Maxfield " 


" 11 

Elipha Maxfield " 


« 4 

Oliver Page " 


« 7 

Francis Perry " 


Apl 29 

Wm AYilks Perry " 


(( (( 

John Eowe " 


May 29 

Eeuben Sergeant " 


Apl 24 

Simn Smith 


May 11 

Eichd Simons " 


(( (( 

Frans Whittier " 


" 16 

< <( 


1 11 


i a 


, .. 


' Dec 


' Jan 


< (( 


( (< 


' Nov 24 

' Jan 



( n 


< « 


" Dec 13 

" Captain Brown served through the whole war, and with such acceptance, that in 1770, the General 
Court granted him eleven thousand acres of land on Saco River, — where, we believe, he settled, and his 
descendants still reside. 

May 7 

" " I 

" 3 

" " 18 

<< (( 

" " 23 

Mar 19 

" Jan 1 

" 17 

" Nov 18 

May 7 

" " 1 


Jackson West " from May 4 17G1 to Dec 13 1672 
Benja Weed " " " " " " '« <« 

Nathl West " " " 11 " " Jan 7 " 

Nathl Weed " " " 7 " " Dec 13 " 

In the Pay Eoll of Captain Moses Parker's Company (Chelmsford) were 
Levi Cottle Private from May 12 to Jany 10 
Jesse ^urrell " " Mar 19 " Nov 1 

Moses Sanborn " " May 3 " " " 

In the Pay Roll of Henry Young Brown's ■' Company from March 4, 
1762, to November 30, 1762, we find 

Moses Grcenough, Serjt, from March 17 to Nov 18 
Jacob Brown " " " " " " " 

Samuel Annis Private " 
Eichard Colby " " 

Wm Colby " " 

W^m Cook 

Isaac Colby " " 

Moses Dusten " " 

In the Pay Eoll of Captain John Nixon's Company, from July 1, 1762, 
to January 7, 1763, were 

John White, Ensign, from July 1 to Nov 29 
James Emerson private " " " " " 23 
Joseph Emerson " " " " " " " 

Samuel Middleton " " " " " " " 

From the foregoing lists of names, it will be seen that Haverhill fur- 
nished its full proportion of soldiers during the whole of this war. We 
regret that we cannot give more definite information in regard to the names 
and number of those killed, wounded, or captured, but the meagreness of 
the records as to individual histories, and the time which has elapsed since 
the occurrences took place, have put it beyond our power to do so. We 
have no doubt that other persons from this town, besides those whose 
names we have given, were in the service ; but, as the place of residence 
or enlistment is not always given in the rolls, and as it frequently hap- 
pened that persons of the same name, but from different towns, were found 
in those lists where the residence was given, we have found it impossible 
to obtain a more perfect list. As a specimen of the imperfection of the 
records, we may cite the fact, that although Dr. James Brickett of this 

® Middle names are very seldom met with previous to 1730, and from that time they increased slowly 
until about 1780, when they were consitlsred "fashionabW Captain Brown was one of the first Haver- 
hill men we find thus honored. 


town was in Colonel Frye's regiment, as surgeon's mate, from March 30, 
1759, to July 30, 1760, yet we do not find his name in any of the rolls, 
and were it not for his petition in 1761, for his pay, we should hardly 
have known that he was in the service at all. 




Although the war with France bad resulted in the expulsion of the 
latter from all their possessions in the northern part of America, it had 
been carried on at a vast expense, and had added largely to the national 
debt of England. To relieve it from future embarrassments of this sort, 
the scheme was suggested of raising a revenue in America. The first act 
in this direction was the revival of the sugar act, in 1764. This placed a 
duty on sugar, molasses, coffee, wines, &c., of foreign production, and 
required that the proceeds of the tax should be paid into the treasury of 

An act laying duties on some of these articles had existed since 1733, 
but had never been rigidly enforced. But now instructions were given to 
the officers of the customs to enforce the law rigidly. This action led to a 
discussion of the right of parliament to tax the colonies. James Otis 
wrote a pamphlet, in which he denied the right ; and the House of Eep- 
resentatives of Massachusetts took the same side of the question. Boston 
instructed her representatives to use their exertions to procure a repeal of 
the act. The discussion of this question developed such bold views of 
independency as to alarm the British ministry, and the measures they 
adopted only tended to widen the breach. 

On the 22d of March, the " Stamp Act" was passed, to go into effect 
on the first of the November following. This act required the people of 
the American Colonies, in all their legal and mercantile transactions, to 
use papers stamped with the Eoyal Seal. It was spiritedly opposed, how- 
ever, by the Colonies, especially in Boston, where the inhabitants collected 
and assaulted the house of Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson, who was a 
■warm friend of the act. In other places, the bells were tolled, and efiigiea 
of the stamp-officers were burnt. So strong was the excitement, that 
every stamp-officer throughout the country, unable to resist the public 
opinion, resigned his commission, and when the time arrived for the act to 
go into operation, there were neither stamped papers to be found, nor offi- 
cers to execute the act. 


The feeling in this town may be judged Tby the following proceedings of 
a meeting specially warned a few days before the act was to go into opera- 
tion : — 

At a meeting of the town, October 14th, 1765, called " To see what 
Instructions the Town will give to their Eepresentative Eelating to the 
stamp act & Excise act ; or Concerning anything else as they shall Judge 
proper," &c., "the following Kesolves and Instructions were considered 
and voted : Whereas some matters of great Importance to this Town & 
province In general are likely to Come under Consideration at the next 
sitting of our great and general Court ; it is therefore thought proper at 
this Critical Juncture to draw up and give our representative Coll Salton- 
stall some special Instructions & resolves & to lodge a Copy of them In 
our Cleark's office : 

As the time prefixed by act of parliment is neare when these much des- 
puted & oppressive Stamped papers were required;